The High Cost of the Purple Line Light Rail Transit Project: Free Bus Service Would Be Cheaper For Everyone, and Provide a Better Service

Purple Line Costs vs BRT

A.  Introduction

The Purple Line is a proposed light rail transit project that would thread itself through suburban neighborhoods over 16 miles in an arc from the east of Washington, DC, to its north.  It is a controversial project, but with strong political pressure to sign soon a contract with a private concessionaire who would construct and then operate the rail line over a 30 year life.  The aim is to begin construction in 2015, complete construction by late 2020, and open the line to ridership by early 2021.

The project is controversial for several reasons.  There are environmental and noise concerns, as a portion of the line will be routed over what is now a park (on an old, abandoned, rail line) with a walking and biking trail that is the most popular in Maryland in terms of usage.  Two parallel rail lines would be built on this trail, with a new trail then built alongside the tracks, necessitating the clear cutting of the mature trees along the trail to allow for the much wider right of way.  There will also be major noise issues, as frequent trains (every 10 minutes in each direction during the off-peak hours, and every 6 minutes during the peak) will go by, until 3:00 am on weekends and starting at 5:00 am on week-day mornings.  Homes now backing on to a quiet park will instead have to contend with the noise of the frequent passing trains.  No compensation will be provided to those adversely impacted, and it should not be surprising that they, as well as others, are opposed.

The line is also expensive.  The most recent estimate, from July 2014, puts the capital cost alone at $2.4 billion, with annual operating costs then of $58 million.  But the Purple Line will only serve suburban neighborhoods of medium to low density, so ridership will not be high.  The cost estimates are of course only estimates, and the final costs will not be known until the work is completed (when it is too late to do anything).  Based on past experience with such projects, one should expect that the final costs will be substantially higher than these estimates.  And as will be discussed below, the published cost estimates do not even cover all of the costs that will be incurred for the Purple Line.  Finally, even these estimates have increased substantially from what they were initially.  As late at June 2007, with initial design work well under way and alternatives being considered, the estimated capital cost was only $1 billion.  Subsequent estimates were $1.5 billion (in August 2009), $1.9 billion (in September 2011), and $2.2 billion (in September 2012).  The most recent estimate is $2.4 billion.  Few will be surprised if this goes higher, and perhaps much higher.

These cost totals by themselves do not tell us much, however, unless they are put in the context of how many riders will use the system.  While thousands of pages of documents have been posted on the web on the proposed project, with the Final Environmental Impact Statement (FEIS, August 2013) the most comprehensive review, I have not been able to find any serious economic analysis of the project, nor of the alternatives to provide such transit services.  The FEIS does describe in great detail a set of alternatives it states they considered, and I am sure such work was done.  There are full chapters in the FEIS on the alternatives (see in particular Chapter 2 and Chapter 9).  But figures are not presented which would allow one to compare one alternative to another.

Evaluating major projects such as this is something I did during my career at the World Bank.  This blog post will summarize estimates I have made of what the full costs of the Purple Line will be, and will compare these to some alternatives.

B.  The Cost of the Purple Line

A transit project such as the Purple Line will incur both upfront capital costs to build the system, and then annual operations and maintenance (O&M) costs to operate it.  Ridership will start only once the system is built, and then should grow over time.  Determining the full cost of the system per boarding (one rider getting on board for one trip) is therefore complex.  While it would be easy to determine the annual O&M costs per boarding once the system is up and running, one should not ignore the up-front capital costs that are incurred.  And since the capital costs are incurred up-front, there will be interest costs, either explicit (for what the private operator borrows) or implicit (if government grants are used –  but such funds will still need either to be borrowed or to come from some other use, so there will be an opportunity cost in such usage of the limited funds available).  One cannot simply ignore the costs of these funds, and yet the published analysis appears to do just that.

One therefore needs to use a spreadsheet which separates out by year when the costs are incurred (both capital and O&M costs), and when the ridership occurs.  One can then calculate what the cost would be per boarding which, over some given lifetime, would cover the full costs incurred by building and then operating the Purple Line.  If riders are charged this cost per boarding (and assuming the projected ridership would still be the same, even though such a fare was charged), the system would cover its costs from the ridership.  While transit systems rarely cover their full costs from the fare box, one will still need to know what this cost will be to judge whether the system is worthwhile, as well as to judge whether some alternative would be a better use of the funds.

The Technical Note at the bottom of this post describes in some detail the methodology followed, the sources for the data used, and the assumptions then made.  The end result is that the estimated full cost for the Purple Line comes out to be $10.42 per boarding, in terms of constant dollars of 2012.  This is a lot.  The riders on the Purple Line will mostly be making only short trips of just a few miles, connecting to Metrorail lines and/or traditional bus routes to get to and from work.  At $10.42, private taxi service would likely normally to be cheaper.

The busiest portion of the route is expected to be between Silver Spring and Bethesda, connecting two business centers each on two effectively separate Metrorail lines (although in fact they are the same line, after looping through downtown Washington, DC).  This is the portion of the route that would destroy the existing park.  It is only 4.3 miles long, and the time savings would be small.  Existing local bus service between these two points only requires 17 minutes, and that is during rush hour.  The Purple Line light rail service would require 9 minutes, producing a savings of only 8 minutes.

It is expected that few if any travelers would ride the full 16 miles of the line.  Traveling that route on the Purple Line would take an estimated 63 minutes based on the current design.  But one could travel between the same two points on the existing Metrorail service in 51 minutes now, during rush hour.  The Purple Line is designed for local service.

Riders would of course not pay that $10.42.  If they were charged such fares for the short trips being taken, very few would take the Purple Line (as noted, taxis would likely be cheaper).  The FEIS (Chapter 3, page 3-8) estimates that the additional fare box revenue in 2040 (but in 2012 dollars) would be $9,615,564 (which is more precise than one would think they intend).  Based on the FEIS ridership projections, this comes to just 38 cents per boarding.  It is so low because most of the riders would be transfers to and from Metrorail and traditional bus services, or would displace ridership on existing services.  Transfers pay zero or small additional fares.

The cost per boarding of $10.42 and the fare per boarding of $0.38 implies that the subsidy that would be provided to those riding the Purple Line would be $10.04 per boarding.  These figures are shown in the chart at the top of this post.  A subsidy of over $10 per ride is huge.

C.  Comparison to a Bus Rapid Transit System for Montgomery County

To put the $10.42 per boarding cost of the Purple Line in perspective, one needs to look at alternative forms of transit.  Montgomery County, Maryland (through which roughly half of the Purple Line will run) is also looking closely at use of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems for certain of its public transit routes.  A consultant’s report completed in 2011 commissioned by the county provides figures that can be used to provide perspective on the Purple Line costs.

A Bus Rapid Transit system provides high-capacity and streamlined bus services along selected routes.  By use of larger buses, dedicated stations where one will pay the fares before boarding (thus streamlining boarding), various road improvements and perhaps dedicated bus lanes, one can provide transit services that are significantly faster than, and more comfortable than, traditional bus services.

The Montgomery County BRT study looked at a system whose capital cost came to an estimated $2.4 to $2.6 billion (in 2012 dollars).  This was roughly the same, coincidently, as the current estimated cost of the Purple Line Light Rail project.  But what one would obtain for that similar investment would be far more:

Comparison of Purple Line to BRT BRT Purple Line Difference
Capital Cost $2.4 to $2.6b $2.43b similar
Number of routes 16 1 16 times
Number of miles covered 150 16 9.4 times
Daily boardings, 2040 (mid-point) 186,300 59,130 3.2 times
O&M cost per boarding (mid-point) $2.424 $2.688 10% less
Total cost per boarding $4.16 $10.42 60% less

The Montgomery County BRT system would cover 16 routes, versus only one for the Purple Line.  It would cover 150 miles, versus only 16 for the Purple Line.  The projected daily boardings in 2040 of 186,300 (based on the mid-point of the range projected) would be over three times the 59,130 projected for the Purple Line.  And the operational and maintenance (O&M) costs per boarding (again based on the mid-point of the range in the BRT study) would be 10% less.  Normally one justifies the higher capital expenditures per mile of a rail system by its then lower O&M costs.  But the O&M costs of the Purple Line would be higher.

The full cost (including capital costs) per boarding of the BRT system is then far below the cost of the Purple Line.  As discussed above, the estimated full cost of the Purple Line would be $10.42 (in 2012 dollars).  Using a similar methodology, but with the BRT cost and ridership estimates, the full cost of the BRT system would be $4.16 per boarding, or 60% less.

The BRT system would be a far better investment, then, of the scarce transit dollars available.  Many more people would be served, at a far lower cost.  For the Purple Line corridor itself, various BRT systems (as well as alternative light rail systems and other options) were examined by the Purple Line consultants, but rejected in favor of the light rail system selected.  However, I cannot find in any of the thousands of pages of documentation now posted any presentation of figures on the total cost per boarding of a light rail system versus a BRT for the selected route.  It is not clear if this was ever examined.  And some have argued that the BRT alternative was never seriously considered as an option, but rather that the light rail approach was chosen early, with the analysis then done by the hired consultants directed at justifying this choice.

It is possible that the BRT alternative was rejected for the Purple Line corridor due to the nature of the streets it would pass through, in particular on the Prince George’s County portion of it.  However, a BRT would likely work quite well for the section between Silver Spring and Bethesda, where there is a four-lane major road connecting the two centers.  A BRT could simply run along that.  A BRT would also provide an option to loop up to another major employment center just north of Bethesda, where the Naval Medical Center and headquarters (and main labs) of the National Institutes of Health are located.  The proposed light rail system would not do that.

Use of a BRT line between Silver Spring and Bethesda would also mean that the linear park between the two would not be destroyed.  A hybrid system of light rail up to Silver Spring, and then BRT between Silver Spring and Bethesda, would be a possible compromise.  The BRT could then join up with north-south BRT lines being planned separately for Bethesda, as well as BRT lines being planned for Silver Spring.

D.  A Cheaper and Better Alternative:  Free Bus Service

As noted above, the subsidy of over $10.00 per boarding for the Purple Line is huge.  The cost will be borne in one form or another (either capital subsidies or operational payments) by the government, and hence ultimately by the taxpayer.  Recognizing that government would be providing a subsidy of $10.00 per boarding to transit users in this corridor, provides a new and better perspective on how best to provide transit services.  Instead of asking the question of how much will it cost to build and then operate a light rail transit line, the question shifts to how best to use the funds that would be made available for transit in this corridor.

When one looks at the issue this way, one alternative stands out:  Why not simply charge a zero fare for bus service along the Purple Line corridor (and perhaps more broadly)?  While I was not able to find figures to allow a calculation of the full cost of operating a traditional bus system in an area of similar density as the Purple Line corridor, the cost should be expected to be less than the cost of a BRT system in Montgomery County.  That is, the cost will likely be less than $4.16 per boarding.

And note that with no fare being collected, there will be at least two additional advantages gained over current bus service.  First, the new bus system will have a similar advantage in terms of speed as a BRT system.  BRT buses are able to move more quickly on regular roads primarily because they can load passengers quickly, since fares have already been paid at the special bus stations built at each stop along a BRT line.  But if no fares are being collected, one can simply get on a traditional bus quickly, with no delays due to people lining up to pay their fare.  Over time, one could also replace current buses with ones with multiple entrances and exits, since everyone would not need anymore to pass through the front door by the driver, to ensure fares were being paid.  This would allow even speedier boarding.

Second, collecting individual fares is costly in itself.  Cash fares need to be kept secure and later counted and deposited, and one needs special equipment and technology to keep track of fares paid by those using electronic smart cards or similar devices.  In addition, speedier bus trips mean that the number of driver-hours one needs to pay for (the most significant expense in operating a bus system) will be reduced in per rider terms.  Both of these factors reduce costs, and significantly so.

But even assuming the traditional bus system will have full costs of $4.16 per boarding (the same as the BRT), one could still carry 2.4 times as many passengers as the Purple Line would carry, for the same net cost (of $10.04).  With a likely cost of well less than $4.16 per boarding, one could carry even more.  And with a larger number of riders, a higher frequency of bus service on each route (say every five minutes instead of every 15 minutes) could then be supported.  Free fares for riders coupled with more frequent service would then be expected to attract even more riders, and possibly many more.  The main concern public officials should probably have is that such bus service would become so popular that many more than 2.4 times as many riders would want to ride the system.  While economies of scale (more riders on each bus, on average) will reduce costs per rider to even less, a large number of new riders eager to take buses is a “problem” that public officials should welcome.

One would then also expect that such ridership shifts to public transit would start to have a significant impact on car usage and hence road congestion, even with additional bus service.  An individual bus with reasonable ridership levels displaces many cars from the roads along the corridor.

Even if it were argued that such a shift to free and frequent bus service were not possible for much of the Purple Line, it is clear that it would work well for at least the Bethesda to Silver Spring section.  As noted above, there is an existing four lane road, and even during congested rush hour traffic, the current traditional bus line (with its frequent stops, and passengers lining up at each stop to step aboard and pay their fare) only requires 17 minutes.  This could be sped up significantly with a shuttle service where no fare is paid (so need to line up to pay it) and perhaps a limited number of stops.  Such a service would likely match or almost match the 9 minutes the Purple Line light rail system would require for this 4.3 mile segment.  Furthermore, one could start to offer this free shuttle service immediately.  There is no need to wait until 2021 for the Purple Line to be built.  This alternative would also save the park that the Purple Line would destroy, and the residents whose land now backs on to this park would not need to contend with the noise of rail cars passing their windows every 5 minutes until midnight (as a train will pass every 10 minutes in each direction), and until 3:00 am on weekends.

E.  Reality Check:  Why the Better Solution is Unlikely to be Followed

So far, the analysis above has kept to what would make most sense to provide transit services along the corridor the Purple Line would serve.  But just because a simpler, cheaper, and better service might be available, does not mean that it is likely to be done.  There are at least three reasons in this case:

a)  Bureaucratic rules:  Government support for transit projects is biased to providing capital support to build things, rather than operational support to run things.  State and especially federal government support is biased in this way.  This creates distortions when decisions are made, as an option requiring much up-front capital will be favored over a solution which instead has primarily on-going operational expenses.  Funds for the capital investment may be available as a grant, while operational expenses are not covered (or are not covered to the same degree).

There would likely be such an issue here, as the state and federal funding is focussed on providing grants for construction.  Those advocating the expensive light rail system will argue that while they can get these funds for construction, they could not obtain such funds to operate improved bus services along this corridor.

But these are bureaucratic rules.  Such rules can be changed.  If a cheaper option than a light rail system (such as free and frequent bus service) provides a better solution, then elected politicians should be able to find a way to make this possible.

b)  Some parties will gain by an expensive light rail system:  Even though transit users as well as taxpayers might lose by building the expensive option, there are some groups that may gain.  Two in particular should be noted.  One is developers who own land parcels close to the proposed stations of the Purple Line.  These parcels will gain significantly in value as transit users are channeled to those locations (and not to others), with land values that may well rise by hundreds of millions of dollars.  Someone else will be paying the $2.4 billion construction cost.

The second is the group of private construction and engineering companies that will participate in the construction, as well as the ultimate concessionaire.  Profits on a $2.4 billion project are substantial.

c)  The embarrassment factor from admitting your choice was wrong:  Finally, one should not neglect that politicians and others will be extremely reluctant to admit that they made a mistake on a project they had previously supported and indeed championed.  But they should not be criticized if they recognize that the information they had before was perhaps insufficient, or that conditions have changed as more information has been gathered.

The Governor of Maryland announced in August 2009 that a light rail line would be the “locally preferred alternative” for the corridor the Purple Line would serve.  At that time, the capital cost was estimated to total just $1.5 billion, with construction that could start in 2013 and be competed by 2016, and with projected daily boardings of 64,800 by 2030.  But the current estimates are that the capital cost will come to $2.4 billion (60% more), construction will not begin until 2015 and only be completed in 2020 (four years later), and that daily boardings now projected for 2030 are only 53,000 (18% less).

Estimates are of course only estimates, and one cannot know for certain beforehand what the costs and ridership will be, nor how long it will take to build such a system.  But how high do the costs need to go before one agrees that earlier decisions need to be reconsidered?  A 60% increase is not small.

One way to resolve this:  Why not hold a vote?  Arrange for a ballot referendum in the areas impacted, where the population would be allowed to vote on whether they prefer the Purple Line light rail system (to be built as currently proposed, and with regular fares then to be paid to ride it), or the alternative of using the funds to provide free bus service along this corridor, starting immediately.  Since the issue is one of service preferences, as the costs would be similar, the general population should be given a say in how the funds are utilized.

 

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Technical Note on Methodology, Data, and Assumptions Used

This technical note presents in some detail the methodology, sources of data, and assumptions made, to come up with an estimate of the full cost per boarding of the proposed Purple Line Light Rail transit project.  The basic approach is to develop a spreadsheet which estimates the full costs (for each year over the lifetime of the project) of building and then operating the rail line.  One then subtracts from these costs what would need to be “charged” per boarding, so that the “revenues” thus generated (given the ridership estimates) will suffice so that the project will have paid for itself in full by the end of the time horizon chosen.  The “shadow fare” thus computed is not the fare that would actually be charged, but rather the cost per boarding that would need to be covered for the full cost of the project to be covered by the end of the time horizon.  Riders are not in fact charged this fare, but rather something far less.  The purpose of the exercise is to calculate what the full cost per boarding will be.

The spreadsheet needs to break out the costs by year since, like any project, capital costs are incurred up-front, ridership starts only when the project is completed, and ridership generally will grow over time as the region grows and develops.  Annual operations and maintenance budgets will also grow over time to cover the costs incurred from carrying more riders (with more frequent train service, for example).

Importantly, because major capital expenses are incurred up front, there will be a cost from providing the necessary funds up front, to be repaid only later.  These will be interest costs.  These interest costs will be incurred whether the project itself borrows directly the funds necessary for the construction, or if some level of government (federal, state, or local) provides the funds as a grant.  The grant funds need to come from somewhere, and governments need to borrow.  Even if the governments were currently running a budget surplus, they could have used the funds being provided to the transit project instead to pay down some of the government’s existing outstanding debt, or for some other use.  Economists call this the opportunity cost of capital, and it exists even when the transit project itself is receiving the funds as a grant.  This cost cannot be ignored, even though it often is.

Thus the basic structure of the spreadsheet starts by accounting for the capital costs during the construction period, by year, and including the interest costs incurred (implicit or explicit) to cover those capital costs (and after the first period, also the costs of covering the accumulated interest itself).  The construction period is primarily 2015 to 2020 according to the current planned schedule.  Operation then begins in early 2021, with annual operations and maintenance costs starting then and ridership beginning.  Since the current plan is to provide a concession to a private firm to build and operate the system, with the operations concession lasting for 30 years from the end of the construction period, the spreadsheet was used to determine what “shadow fare” would be necessary so that at the end of this 30 year concession, the “revenues” thus generated (given the ridership projections) less the annual operations and maintenance expenditures, would have covered the up-front capital costs incurred (along with accrued interest on the outstanding annual balances).  An iterative process was used to arrive at that shadow fare.  That shadow fare will be the full cost incurred, per boarding, of this light rail line.

The calculations were done all in current dollar terms.  That is, certain inflation rates were assumed and the implicit interest rate on the capital costs was defined in nominal terms.  However, all the figures reported here on cost per boarding are expressed in terms of prices of 2012.  One could have set up the spreadsheet to do all the calculations in real, inflation-adjusted, terms, but the results (if everything was done correctly) would be the same.  For the purposes here, working in current price (or nominal) terms, was simpler.

Data were taken from the documents posted on the internet for this project.  Most important were the most recently updated summary sheet from the US Federal Transportation Agency (FTA) of July 2014; the Final Environmental Impact Statement (FEIS) of August 2013, in particular its Chapters Two, Three, and Nine, plus its Volume III Technical Report on Capital Costs; and the “Request for Proposals (RFP) to Design, Build, Finance, Operate, and Maintain the Purple Line Project”, issued by the State of Maryland in July 2014.

One would have expected that with all these reports, totaling thousands of pages, the project designers would have made available a spreadsheet of their own with the expected costs by year as well as ridership.  But the information from such a spreadsheet does not appear to have been posted.  I am sure they would have themselves made such calculations, but they evidently chose not to make them available to the public.  I therefore had to make various estimates of my own, drawing on the figures they did make available and anchoring the projections in the figures they provided for only certain of the outlying years (most commonly 2035 or 2040).

Due to the inherent uncertainties in all this, I erred on the side of conservatism whenever assumptions needed to be made.  That is, I aimed to err on the side of keeping estimated costs low.  The estimated cost per boarding (in 2012 dollars) of $10.42 in the base case is therefore probably low.  The true figure will probably be higher.  But I have some confidence it will be at least this high.

Specific figures used included:

1)  Estimated capital costs (construction costs) was taken from the FTA summary sheet.  The figure reported there of $2,427.97 million includes, however, $126.0 million in “finance charges”.  These finance charges appear to include the financing costs that will be incurred only on the private borrowing portion of the total costs (estimated to cover $800 million of the overall $2.4 billion cost) and only during the construction period.  Since the total financing cost (including on government borrowed funds) will be accounted for separately, the capital cost figure used for construction expenses only was $2,302 million ($2,428 million less $126 million).  Like all the cost figures presented in the FEIS and RFP, it is assumed these are expressed in prices of 2012.  They were then spread evenly (in real terms) over the construction period of 2015 to 2020.

2)  While this capital cost figure of $2,302 million was used, it should be noted that all of the capital costs of the project have not been accounted for in this widely reported figure.  In particular, it does not include the cost of perhaps the most complex and difficult light rail station to construct, at the western end of the line (Bethesda).  This will be fitted into an existing underground tunnel under a building (where the old train line had run), with underground connections made there to link it to an existing subway line station.  Consideration was given to tearing down the existing building above the lines to allow the construction, but a recent decision was made not to, as the costs would be even higher.  The capital cost figure also does not include the cost of re-building the existing walking/biking path that the new rail line will take over, as this cost will be covered by Montgomery County.  However, it is still a cost, and should have been included.  Finally and perhaps most importantly, the capital cost figure of $2,302 million does not include anything for the significant costs incurred (mostly by the State of Maryland) for the design work, environmental impact and other assessments, and all else that has been done to bring the project to this point.  As has been noted, thousands of pages of analysis have been posted on the internet, consultants were hired to produce these reports, and public officials have devoted a good deal of time to organizing and overseeing this work.  These costs should not be ignored.  While it can be argued that these costs are already incurred and hence should not be a factor in what to do now, one should then not present the capital cost estimate (of $2,302 million currently) as the total capital cost of the project.  Rather, it is an estimate of the additional capital cost now needed to complete the project.  But in any case, since I do not have figures on the costs already incurred, I have had to leave them out.  The true total capital costs are higher.

3)  Also left out is any valuation for the cost of the public lands taken (including public park lands) for the rail line.  The public park and other public lands taken have been treated as if they were free, with zero value.  In particular, the western section of the line, from Silver Spring to Bethesda, will be built over an existing walking/biking path, and will need to clear-cut the existing trees on both sides to allow for the two new parallel rail lines plus a re-built path adjacent to it.  The park will be effectively destroyed.  Instead of a walk through the woods, one will have a utilitarian paved path next to a busy rail line.  If this project were being financed by the World Bank in a developing country, the World Bank would have required (by its environmental standards) that a new similarly sized park be created near-by, as an environmental offset to the land taken for the transit project.  The cost of acquiring this new park land would then be reflected in the project cost.  The cost would not be small, which is probably why it was never seriously considered here, but that high cost (reflecting the high value of such land) is precisely the point.  And while poor countries are expected to follow such measures to protect the environment, there is no such plan here, even though Montgomery County (where this section of the line will run) is one of the richest counties in one of the richest countries in the world.

4)  The implicit interest rate used (the opportunity cost of capital) to cover the cost of the up-front capital expenditures will also be important.  The project documents appear to have all left this out (except for the relatively minor $126 million finance charge included in the most recent FTA summary sheet, discussed above).  The current financing plan is for two-thirds of the cost to be covered by government grants (federal and state) and one-third by private borrowing by the project concessionaire.  The private borrower will of course need to cover its interest costs.  While interest rates are currently low, and have been since the Lehman Brothers collapse in September 2008 (as the Fed has kept rates low to spur the recovery), it is expected that interest costs will return to normal once full employment is recovered.  Over the ten year period leading up to September 2008, the average corporate bond borrowing rate for a AAA borrower averaged 6.2%, while it averaged 7.1% for a BBB borrower over this same period.  To be conservative, I assumed the borrowing rate would be 6.0% for this project, even though this is likely to be low.  Note that this is a nominal, not real, interest rate.

5)  More importantly, one also needs to include a cost for the government funds being provided.  It is certainly not zero, even if the project itself receives the funds as a grant.  The government has to obtain the funds from somewhere.  And while the government can borrow, in this case it is choosing to have the private concessionaire borrow funds for a substantial share of the project, rather than provide additional government borrowed funds.  This implies that the government would rather have the private entity borrow funds for the project, and that it views this cost (assumed to be 6.0%) as preferable to whatever it would pay for directly borrowed funds.  Therefore, the spreadsheet calculations were done based on a 6.0% interest cost, implicit or explicit, for the full project cost.

6)  Finally, all the calculations were undertaken in nominal terms, and hence one needed to make certain inflation assumptions.  Based on figures from the RFP and the FEIS, I assumed inflation rates of 3.1% for the construction costs, 2.5% for operations and maintenance costs, and 2.0% for general consumer prices (reflected in the shadow fare rates).

7)  Ridership forecasts were taken from the most recent FTA summary sheet, which shows figures for 2014 (which I interpret reflect what ridership would be today, if the system were operational today) and for 2035.  It was assumed ridership between these dates would grow at a steady growth rate.  This worked out to 1.113% a year, which is reasonable for the already developed region the rail line would go through.

Based on these cost and ridership assumptions, the cost per boarding for the proposed Purple Line comes to $10.42.  This is a lot, for what is designed to be basically a local service (providing connections to and from Metrorail lines and traditional bus services).

There is of course uncertainty in this single point estimate.  It depends on the accuracy of the underlying cost and other estimates used.  One needs to know the sensitivity of this point estimate to the data assumptions made, in order to judge how meaningful the point estimate is.  Several different scenarios were therefore examined to test the sensitivity.  Most of the scenarios tested looked at changes that would lead to higher costs, but the impacts would be similar going in the opposite direction:

Purple Line Scenarios Cost per Boarding
         (prices of 2012)
Base Case $10.42
Interest rate 6.0% → 7.0% $11.62
Time horizon 30 → 40 years $9.28
Ridership 20% less $13.02
Capital Cost + 20% $11.92
Construction Period + 2 years $11.02
Capital Cost + 20%, and also
    Construction Period + 2 years $12.64

The base case assumptions, as noted, lead to an estimated break-even cost per boarding of $10.42.  If the borrowing costs (implicit or explicit) were 7.0% rather than 6.0%, then the cost per boarding would rise to $11.62.  Some would argue that a 7% borrowing rate over the long term would likely be a better estimate of what it will be for such a project entity in coming decades than 6% (the BBB borrowing rate averaged 7.1% over the decade before Lehman Brothers collapsed), but the Base Case was deliberately conservative.

Extending the time horizon would also affect the break-even cost.  The private concession is planned to extend for thirty years of operation following completion of construction, so determining the break-even cost per boarding at that point is of interest.  But some of the assets would likely last longer.  Offsetting this, however, is that there will also be major rehabilitation costs periodically, and I was not able to find any estimates for what those would be.  They were therefore implicitly set at zero.  But even assuming rehabilitation costs were zero, and that assets were all able to last for 40 years rather than 30, the break-even cost per boarding would still be high at $9.28.

Ridership is also difficult to predict with great confidence.  Ridership that turns out to be 20% less than projected would raise the break-even cost per boarding to $13.02.

Construction costs (capital costs) also often turn out to be higher than projected, and/or completion takes longer than planned, and these often come together (delays in completion lead to higher costs).  If the capital cost turns out to be 20% higher, then the break-even cost per boarding rises to $11.92.  If completion is delayed by two years (but with no additional capital cost), the cost per boarding would be $11.02.  And if both the capital cost turns out to be 20% higher and completion is delayed by two years, the break-even cost per boarding rises to $12.64.

Finally, one could have (and indeed generally will have) a combination of differences.  Some might be offsetting, but one could also have some combination of lower ridership, higher construction costs, delays in completion, and higher borrowing costs.  But the degree of difference in each case might well be less than those tested here.

Based on the sensitivities in these scenarios, the estimated cost per boarding of $10.42 in the base case is probably accurate within a dollar or perhaps two.  Given past experience with such projects, there is a greater likelihood that costs will turn out to be higher than expected rather than lower.  I would therefore doubt that the final cost per boarding turns out to be less than the base scenario estimate of $10.42, while there is a significant risk that it could be $12 or even more.

===============================================

October 1, 2014:  Update

The Washington Post reported (in its print edition today, and in an on-line note yesterday) that the official estimate of the capital cost of the Purple Line has increased again, by $21 million this time from the estimate published in July.  The total is now $2.45 billion.  While the $21 million increase should perhaps not be considered large in itself, it comes as the most recent such increase that has steadily raised the estimated cost of the Purple Line from just $1 billion in 2007, to the estimated $2.45 billion now.

I have not changed any of the text above.  With this new capital cost estimate and assuming nothing else has also been changed, the cost per boarding would now work out to $10.48, a bit more than the $10.42 estimated before.

America’s Underinvestment in Public Infrastructure

Real per Capita Public Investment vs. GDP, 1950-2013

Public infrastructure in the United States is an embarrassment.  This is clear even to ordinary travelers.  Countries in Europe and in much of East Asia enjoy far better roads, highways, public transit, and other forms of public infrastructure than the US does, even though the real per capita incomes of these countries are lower than that of the US.  And this is backed up by more systematic global comparisons, such as in the Global Competitiveness Report of the World Economic Forum.  The most recent report ranked the US as only number 15 in the world in terms of its infrastructure (transport, power, and telecom).  This put the US behind Canada, the major countries of Western Europe, and such countries as Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan in East Asia.

The poor quality of public infrastructure in the US should not, however, be a surprise.  As the chart at the top of this post shows, the US is spending no more now, in real per capita terms, than it did over a half century ago in 1960, in the last year of the Eisenhower administration.  The chart draws on data issued in the standard GDP (NIPA) accounts of the BEA of the US Department of Commerce.  Infrastructure investment is taken to be total government investment (at all levels of government – Federal, State, and Local) in structures, excluding such spending by the military.  Most government infrastructure spending in the US is for transport (primarily roads and associated bridges, but also including investment in mass transit, ports, and airports), with a significant amount also for water and wastewater treatment.

Public infrastructure spending in real per capita terms rose during the Eisenhower administration in the 1950s (when the Interstate Highway system was started) and continued rising during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations in the 1960s.  Indeed, during this period, such spending rose at a somewhat faster pace than real per capita GDP, the blue line in the chart.  But starting in 1969, the year Nixon took office, public infrastructure spending was cut.  By the mid-1970s it was down close to the level seen at the end of the Eisenhower administration (in real per capita terms), and then was cut even further at the start of the Reagan administration.  It then began to increase from 1984 with this continuing to a peak in 2002, after which it fell again.  By 2013 it was 2% lower than it was in 1960.  Over this same period, real per capita GDP almost tripled.

In dollar terms, real per capita spending on public infrastructure (in terms of 2009 prices, the base now used in the GDP accounts) was $793 in 1960 and was 2% lower, at $776, in 2013 (about 1.6% of GDP).  Over this same period, per capita real GDP rose from $17,159 in 1960 to $49,852 in 2013.  The increment in real per capita GDP was $32,693 over this period.  None of this growth went to increased investment in public infrastructure.

It is this stagnation in real per capita spending, and huge lag behind income growth, that has led to bridges and highways that are both congested and in poor condition.  People drive more, fly more, and import and export more goods, as their real incomes grow.  Public infrastructure has not kept up.  A 2009 report issued by the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials (AASTO) notes that vehicle miles driven between 1990 and 2007 rose by 41%, about double the increase in the US population over this 17-year period (of 20.6%).  Based on the figures in the chart above (which however covers all public infrastructure, not just highways), spending to build or maintain such infrastructure per mile driven fell by over 20% over that period.

The AASTO report also found (based on an analysis of US Federal Highway Administration data) that one-third (33%) of the nation’s major highways was classified as being only in poor or mediocre condition (as of 2007).   Thirteen percent was classified to be in poor condition, with this rising to over 60% poor in some major urban areas.   And roads in poor or mediocre condition deteriorate quickly, leading to much higher costs when the road eventually has to be repaired.  The AASTO report notes that the cost per mile over 25 years is three times higher if roads are left to be reconstructed, instead of maintained on the regular recommended schedule.

This stagnation in real per capita spending on public infrastructure over more than a half century may be surprising to some.  While many might be aware that infrastructure spending has not kept up with real per capita GDP (which has almost tripled), most people would assume that there has been at least some increase in per capita infrastructure spending.  But that is not the case.

Part of the reason for this mis-conception is that when measured as a share of GDP, it might not appear that public infrastructure spending has fallen so far behind.  As a share of GDP, public infrastructure spending (using the figures cited above for public investment in non-Defense structures, from the BEA accounts) was 39% less in 2013 than it was in 1960.  Put another way, public infrastructure spending would have had to increase by 64% (=1/(1-.39)) between 1960 and 2013, to match the GDP share it had in 1960.  But the figures shown above in the chart indicate that public infrastructure spending would have had to triple over this period to match the increase in GDP.

Why this big difference?  The reason is Baumol’s Cost Disease, which was discussed in an earlier post on this blog.  If the price index for public infrastructure spending over this period had matched the price index for overall GDP, then an increase in infrastructure spending of 64% would suffice to bring it into line with the increase in real GDP over the period.  But the cost of building infrastructure has risen at a faster pace than the cost of making goods generally.  This is not because of increased waste, but rather because building infrastructure is by nature labor intensive and hard to automate.  The relative cost of infrastructure will therefore increase over time relative to the cost of goods whose production can be increasingly automated.

The importance of this is huge, but is often ignored in the debates.  As the chart above shows, investment in public infrastructure has stagnated in real per capita terms over more than a half century, and would need to almost triple at this point to catch up with how much real per capita GDP has grown.  This is far greater than the 64% increase (which is itself not small) that one might assume would be necessary by simply focussing on GDP shares.

The fundamental cause of this stagnation in real spending on public infrastructure has been an unwillingness in Congress to pay for it.  The most important source of funding for highway expenditures has been the gasoline tax, which supports the Highway Trust Fund. But as was discussed in an earlier post on this blog, gasoline taxes have been set as so many cents per gallon and are not adjusted regularly for inflation.  The last time the tax was raised (in nominal terms) was in 1993, over 20 years ago.  Since then, even general inflation has eroded this by over 50%.  If one took into account that prices for infrastructure investments rise at a substantially faster pace than general prices (due to Baumol’s Cost Disease, discussed above), the real erosion has been much greater.  As a result, funds in the Highway Trust Fund are far from adequate.

The result has been repeated crises as the Congress passes one short term patch after another to allow even the overly low on-going highway investments to continue.  One such crisis is underway now, where expenditures would need to be slashed on August 1 if nothing is done.  The Senate is currently expected to vote this week on an extension, although it would only be for a few months at best.  If passed and can then be reconciled with a similar House passed measure (passed two weeks ago), spending on highway investment will be able to continue for a few more months.

To provide the needed funds, given that the Highway Trust Fund is far from sufficient (due to the failure to adjust the tax to reflect inflation), Congress has included again an especially stupid provision in the draft bills.  As it did in an earlier authorization in 2012 (see the blog post cited above), Congress would allow corporations to make assumptions on their pension obligations which will in effect allow them to underfund their pension obligations by even more than currently.  The corporations will then show (on their balance sheets) higher profits, which will generate somewhat higher corporate income tax obligations.  These higher tax obligations will be counted as government revenues.  But those reliant on corporate pensions will be at greater risk of not receiving the pensions they are owed.  Ultimately the government may be obliged to cover these pension obligations (through the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation).  But these costs latter costs are being ignored.

The Virginia Governor’s Proposal to End the Gas Tax: A Stupendously Bad Idea

Virginia Gas Tax, 1961-2012, real and nominal terms

Introduction

On January 8, 2013, in a major policy address on how to address Virginia’s urgent transportation funding needs, Governor Bob McDonnell proposed to end Virginia’s state tax on gas and replace it with a higher rate for the state sales tax.  Along with higher vehicle registration fees, a new special charge on fuel efficient vehicles, and a shift in general state funds away from other uses (primarily education, health, and public safety), the governor’s proposal would provide for an additional $3.2 billion over five years for transportation investments.

Virginia certainly desperately needs to fund higher investment in roads and highways.  Virginia has chronically underfunded such investments for years, leading to over-crowded and poorly maintained roads, especially in Northern Virginia.  But the governor surprised many on how to provide the needed funds.

The Governor’s Proposal

Instead of increasing the tax on fuels for cars and trucks (the traditional primary source of funds for roads and highways) to make up at least partially for what has been lost to inflation over the years, he instead called for getting rid of the gasoline tax altogether.  Instead of drivers paying through a fuel tax for the building and maintenance of the roads they use, he would shift the burden onto the state sales tax.  Everyone has to pay this, drivers and non-drivers alike.  Indeed, if the governor’s proposals were to be adopted, the one product people commonly buy that would not be subject either to the sales tax or an excise tax would be gasoline!

This is stupendously bad policy.  A basic principle of economics is that for efficiency, those who benefit from some good or service should pay what it costs to the extent this is possible.  Fuel taxes, when they are set at a rate to cover what one needs to invest in road construction and for maintenance, approximates this fairly well.  Those who drive more and hence burn more fuel, pay more.  Those who drive heavy vehicles, which disproportionately account for road deterioration, also pay more as their heavier vehicles burn more fuel.  The relationship is not perfect, but is much better than dropping any link whatsoever, as the governor proposes.  The fuel tax also acts as an incentive to buy vehicles with greater fuel efficiency (a national objective) and to drive less (and hence reduce pollution and congestion).

Virginia currently imposes a fuel tax of 17.5 cents per gallon for gasoline as well as diesel.  This rate has not changed since 1986 (taking effect in 1987).  The governor correctly points out that since it has not since been adjusted to reflect inflation, the 17.5 cents received today can buy only about 8 cents of what it could in 1986.  He also complains that since vehicles have become more fuel efficient, and since there are a small but growing number using alternative fuels such as ethanol, natural gas, and electricity, the state is receiving less through the fuel tax per mile driven than before.

These statements are true.  But there are obvious ways to address them instead of ending the gasoline tax altogether.  First, it is easy to index the fuel tax for inflation.  Every January 1 (or whatever anniversary date one wants to use) you adjust the rate to reflect inflation over the past year.  The adjustments each year would be small, but accumulate over time. With inflation currently running about 2% a year, a 17.5 cents per gallon fuel tax would rise to 17.85 cents, an increase of 0.35 cents – only about a third of a penny on gas that now costs $3 to $4 per gallon.

Second, one could charge similar taxes on vehicles powered by alternative fuels.  One could easily charge the same fuel tax rate for ethanol (just as one now charges the same 17.5 cents for both gasoline and diesel).  And one could work out the equivalent for natural gas and other fuels which are sold or will be sold at the equivalent of the pump for gasoline.

For electric power charging batteries it would be only slightly trickier.  Since one would normally charge the batteries at home from your household electricity supply, there is not the equivalent of a pump as the point where one could impose a tax to cover the costs of roads and highways.  But cars are inspected annually in Virginia.  At these annual inspections, one can check the mileage, see how many miles were driven in the past year, and then charge accordingly.  The amounts are not huge.  According to figures from the Federal Highway Administration, we on average drive 13,476 miles per year in the US, and the Energy Information Agency reports that the average fuel economy is 23.5 miles per gallon (as of 2010, the same as in 2009).  Dividing this out, the average driver burns 573 gallons per year, and with a tax at 17.5 cents per gallon, pays $100 in fuel taxes ($100.4 to be precise).  If the fuel tax were doubled to 35 cents, one would pay $200.  Such an amount (less if one has driven less, and more if one has driven more) could easily be charged at the time of the annual inspection.  And for plug-in hybrid vehicles, burning gas sometimes and using a battery charged at home other times, one could obtain a refund on your annual state income tax return for any fuel taxes paid at the pump (backed up by receipts).

None of this is impossible, and it need not be perfect.  And it is far better than charging drivers nothing at all for building and maintaining the roads they use.

Indexing the Fuel Tax for Inflation

The basic problem comes from not indexing the fuel taxes for inflation.  Virginia has imposed fuel taxes since 1923, and they have never, over this period, been as low as they are now in real terms.  In terms of today’s prices, they were at their highest in 1933 at what today would be 88 cents per gallon.  The nominal price then was 5 cents.  And it is absurd to argue that people today cannot afford 88 cents per gallon, when such a rate was possible in 1933 in the middle of the Great Depression.  People were far poorer then than they are now.

And no one is proposing a return to 88 cents per gallon for the state tax.  But it would not be unreasonable to return to the rate Virginia charged in 1961, or at least charged in 1987. The 1961 rate was 7 cents per gallon, and it generated sufficient revenues so that Virginia was widely seen at that time to have had one of the better road systems in the nation.  The 7 cents per gallon in 1961 would be a rate of about 54 cents today.  See the graph at the top of this post.  And again, if we could afford it in 1961 (and afford an even higher rate in real terms in 1933), it is absurd to say we cannot afford it today.

The graph also shows what the path would have been had Virginia, when it set the rate at 17.5 cents with effect from January 1, 1987, also then indexed the rate for inflation.  The rate would be a little over 35 cents per gallon today, or double the current rate.  This would also not be out of line with what other states charge.  North Carolina, on Virginia’s border, charges 37.8 cents per gallon, while New York charges 50.6 cents (the highest in the country).  The US average is 30.4 cents.  (To be precise and fair, to make these figures fully comparable one should also add a charge of 2.4 cents per gallon of fees for other purposes to what Virginia charges, in addition to the basic fuel tax.)

The governor’s detailed proposal provides estimates over the five years 2014 to 2018 of what the revenues would be under his proposals.  While losing the revenues generated by the fuel tax on gasoline, he would substitute by adding 0.8% points to the current 5.0% Virginia general sales tax, would keep the 17.5 cents tax on diesel fuel, and would take other measures (including shifts of funds out of education, health, and/or public safety; these areas account for 84% of Virginia’s non-transport budget so you would have to cut them; there is nothing else) to increase funds allocated to transportation.  Over the five years, funds for transport from the current fuel taxes on gasoline and diesel (if one were to keep them as now) would rise from $4.5 billion to a total of $7.7 billion, or an increase of $3.2 billion.

While the $7.7 billion total would be a good deal more than what is currently being funded for transport by the fuel taxes, many note that this would still be too low given the backlog of Virginia’s needs.  And in addition to being too low, it would shift the burden away from those who use the roads the most, onto the regressive sales tax which impacts the poor the most.

Alternatively, returning the fuel tax rate to what it was in 1987 in real terms, and even more so if it were returned to what it was in 1961 in real terms, would generate far more revenues.  Shifting to the 1987 rate and then indexing it for inflation, would generate revenues of $9.9 billion over the five years, an increase of $5.4 billion.  The governor is proposing an increase of only $3.2 billion.  Shifting to the 1961 rate and then indexing it for inflation, would generate revenues of $14.0 billion.  Such funding would permit a much more rapid rehabilitation of Virginia’s road infrastructure, and would be far fairer as those using the roads would pay for them in rough proportion to how much they use them.

Conclusion

In conclusion, there is no mystery as to why Virginia has been unable to invest in keeping up what was once a good road network:  It has allowed its source of funding for such investments to fall to the lowest it has been since first set in 1923.  But it would be straightforward to index the fuel tax to the rate of inflation, with a small annual adjustment which would not lead to this revenue source deteriorating over time.  Using fuel taxes to pay for roads is not only fair but is also efficient, as those who use the roads pay for them, and can decide whether and how much to drive based on facing the full cost of what they do.

In contrast, under Governor Bob McDonnell’s proposal:

  • The poor and the elderly and everyone else taking buses will pay more, while those driving Cadillacs will pay less;
  • The poor buying basic necessities will pay more, while the rich who like to drive out to a vacation or week-end home will pay less;
  • Those driving small and fuel efficient cars will pay more, while those driving gas guzzlers will pay less;
  • Those that decide to live close to where they work will pay more, while those who live in distant suburbs for a large house and lawn will pay less;
  • Those that car pool to work will pay more, while those driving alone each day will pay less;
  • Those that drive small and light cars which do not tear up the roads will pay more, while those that drive heavy vehicles which damage the roads disproportionately will pay less;
  • Virginians will pay more, while out-of-state drivers coming through the state and needing to buy gas will pay less;
  • Those driving alternative fuel vehicles will pay more, while those driving traditional gasoline fueled cars will pay less;
  • Those who purchase goods by catalog or over the internet and have them delivered by regular mail will pay more, while those who make frequent shopping trips by car will pay less;
  • And those that take care in not driving too much, adding to congestion and pollution, will pay more, while those who cannot be bothered will pay less.