Romney’s and Ryan’s Confusion on Basic Accounting: Medicare Cost Savings is Not a Raid on Medicare

From a Romney / Ryan TV ad currently being broadcast:   “Obama has cut $716 billion dollars from Medicare,” says the narrator. “The money you paid for your guaranteed health care…is going to a massive new government program that’s not for you.”

Mitt Romney in a stump speech in Ohio on August 14:   “Did you know that he’s taken $716 billion out of the Medicare trust fund?  He’s raided that trust fund.  And you know what he did with it?  He’s used it to pay for Obamacare”

Paul Ryan in an interview on Fox News Channel:  “We’re the ones who are not raiding Medicare to pay for Obamacare”

(all three sources quoted in this ABC News story)

Over the last several days there have been incredible allegations from Mitt Romney, his proposed running mate Paul Ryan, and their campaign, that Obama is raiding the Medicare Trust Fund for $716 billion in order to pay for Obamacare.  The statement has been made with such certainty and certitude, and repeated so often, that one assumes there must be some element of truth behind it.   Not surprisingly, many news services are reporting it as fact, and a good deal of digging is required to find out what Romney and Ryan are in fact referring to.  And since it is so basic, one wants to double-check and triple-check to make sure something has not been missed.

But the basic conclusion is inescapable:  Either Romney does not understand basic accounting (and given his business career, one would assume he would), or he is trying to deliberately mislead the public.  And Ryan appears to be completely confused on the difference between cost savings and cost increases.

First of all, everyone agrees that the $716 billion number comes from the Congressional Budget Office, from a July 24, 2012 report produced at the request of Speaker of the House John Boehner.  The report analyses the impact on the budget over the ten year period 2013 to 2023, if the Affordable Care Act of 2010 (“Obamacare”) were repealed, as his draft bill H.R. 6079 would do.  Since the analysis is looking at the impact on public spending and revenues from the repeal of Obamacare, one needs to be careful on the mathematical sign of the changes projected.  Most analyses look at the impacts on spending and revenues that will follow as a consequence of Obamacare being approved.    This is looking at the reverse.  And while it is important to keep this straight, I don’t think this is the source of Romney’s and Ryan’s error.

The $716 billion figure is an estimate by the CBO of the higher costs that Medicare would incur if Obamacare were reversed.  The primary reason Medicare will enjoy savings as a result of Obamacare is that hospitals and other health facilities will not bear the uncompensated costs they now incur when they treat the uninsured.  Everyone recognizes, even Romney and Ryan, that the number of uninsured will go down under Obamacare.  Like everyone else, the uninsured often require medical care, and currently hospitals and other facilities will not turn anyone away for at least initial treatment, either in accordance with their own ethical standards, or in some States in accordance with the law.  But the costs need to be covered somehow, and hospitals and other facilities currently shift these costs to those who are insured, either by Medicare or by private insurance.  As the current uninsured become insured under the Obamacare system, hospitals will no longer have to shift these costs onto Medicare and other insured patients, and Medicare (as well as private insurance) will save.  The $716 billion figure is the CBO’s estimate of the savings Medicare will receive as a consequence of reducing the number of uninsured.  There will still be uninsured patients, but there will be fewer.

The CBO in fact presents a break-down of these estimates across some major categories.  Mathematically, I will present them here as the savings that would follow if Obamacare is implemented rather than reversed.

CBO estimates of ten year savings, 2013-2022.   In $ billions.
A.  Lower Medicare payments to facilities, currently needed to compensate for care to the uninsured: $415b
   1)  Hospitals                                    $260b
   2)  Skilled Nursing Facilities              $39b
   3)  Hospice Services                         $17b
   4)  Home Health Services                 $66b
   5)  All Other                                        $33b
B.  Lower Medicare payments needed to hospitals serving a disproportionate share of low-income patients  $56b
C.  Lower Medicare subsidies to the Medicare Advantage option $156b
D.  All other  $89b
TOTAL $716b

Medicare and the Medicare Trust Fund (and private insurance as well) will therefore save enormous amounts when the cost shifting that currently occurs because of the large number of uninsured, will be reduced as the uninsured become able to obtain their own medical insurance under the Obamacare system.  There will still of course be costs for the currently uninsured to obtain new health insurance coverage.  Part will be borne by the currently uninsured when they are able to purchase coverage currently beyond their reach (as prices for individual coverage can be extremely high in the current US system, due to adverse selection problems; such prices will come down under Obamacare due to the universal mandate).  But part will be borne by the government, whether through direct subsidies to those of lower income to pay part of the costs of their health insurance, or the direct costs of an expanded Medicaid.  These costs are reflected in the CBO estimates of the overall costs of implementing Obamacare.  For consistency, the CBO then estimated also what Medicare would save (an estimated $716 billion) when there is less cost-shifting by hospitals and other facilities to cover care for the current uninsured.

What Romney either never understood or is mis-representing, is that the savings Medicare will receive as a result of increased coverage of the uninsured under Obamacare, is not a “raid” on the Medicare Trust Fund.  Indeed, it is the exact opposite.  Medicare will enjoy an estimated $716 billion in savings as a result of Obamacare, and hence the funds in the Medicare Trust Fund will go further than they would without such savings.  And the CBO, in estimating the expected ten-year overall cost of the Obamacare reforms, correctly reflected such savings in lower Medicare costs.

What is completely disingenuous is the Paul Ryan comment that he is not “raiding” the Medicare Trust Fund under his plan (which Romney says he supports), while Obama is.  In recent days, it has been pointed out that buried in the Paul Ryan budget proposal (approved by the Republican House), are cuts to Medicare of the same $716 billion.  Ryan has reluctantly acknowledged that they are there.  But when asked today while campaigning in Ohio why his budget plan includes the same $716 billion cut, Ryan responded:

“First of all, those are in the baseline, he put those cuts in,” Ryan said, referring to Obama.  “Second of all, we voted to repeal Obamacare repeatedly, including those cuts. I voted that way before the budget, I voted that way after the budget.  So when you repeal all of Obamacare what you end up doing is that repeals that as well.”

“In our budget we’ve restored a lot of that,” Ryan continued. “It gets a little wonky but it was already in the baseline.  We would never have done it in the first place.  We voted to repeal the whole bill.  I just don’t think the president’s going to be able to get out of the fact that he took $716 billion from Medicare to pay for Obamacare.”

The confusion here is breathtaking.  The $716 billion reduction in costs that Medicare will incur are in the Obama budget precisely because Obamacare would be implemented, and hence the number of uninsured reduced.  The hospitals and others will not then need to shift the costs of treating the uninsured onto Medicare and others of us who are fortunate to have medical insurance.  But Ryan would repeal Obamacare, and hence these savings to Medicare would not materialize.  Medicare would need to spend more if Ryan gets his wish, and if in his budget he would then cap what Medicare could spend to $716 billion less than then needed, Medicare would no longer be able to pay in full for the medical costs of its seniors.  If Medicare spending is not capped (and there is no current legal basis for it to be so capped), the extra $716 billion in Medicare costs would go straight to an increase in the deficit over what the Ryan budget projects.

Paul Ryan delights in being treated as a “policy wonk” who supposedly knows his numbers.  If he does, then he is seriously misrepresenting the truth.  And the best that can be said about Mitt Romney is that this might be an issue which he does not really understand, and hence has accepted as correct the position that Ryan (and other Republican advisors) have repeatedly stated.  The alternative is that he too understands that this is a complete misrepresentation of what the CBO has estimated.

Taxes as a Share of Income Are the Lowest in Decades, While Income Distribution is Close to the Worst

US Federal Government Revenues as Share of GDP, 1960-2011, Federal Taxes, Federal Receipts

An excellent report from the Congressional Budget Office was issued yesterday, and has received a fair amount of publicity for noting that taxes in the US as a share of income are the lowest in at least 30 years (their analysis went back to 1979).  See, for example, this article in today’s Washington Post.  The CBO findings are correct, and carefully done, but readers of this blog may recall a posting from April 22, which also noted that taxes as a share of income are the lowest in over a half century (and indeed the lowest since 1950).  The graph above is copied from that post.

The CBO report looks at taxes as a share of household incomes, relying on data from the IRS and the Census Bureau, and hence had data only through 2009.  The data I used comes from the National Income and Product Accounts (GDP Accounts) of the Bureau of Economic Analysis in the Department of Commerce, which had data through 2011 (and now up to the first quarter of 2012).  But both come to the same basic conclusion:  That taxes as a share of income are the lowest in decades.  Republicans have asserted that high and rising taxes are the reason the economy has not recovered from the 2008 downturn, and that therefore further tax cuts are needed.  But there is no factual support for this.

Taxes are low in part precisely because of the 2008 collapse, with conditions only turning around in mid-2009, soon after Obama took office.  Incomes fell, and therefore taxes due fell as well and indeed fell by more.  But the low taxes are not simply a result of the downturn.  The economic downturn in 1982-83 under Reagan was also sharp, and the unemployment rate then hit a peak of 10.8%, or much more than the 10.0% peak reached in the current downturn.  But taxes during this Reagan period as a share of income did not then fall to as low a share as they have now.  The reason is the Bush tax cuts, which had already put taxes on a falling trend, plus an additional $1.5 trillion in tax cuts signed by Obama since he took office.  Tax cuts are one of the few areas where Obama can get support from a Republican congress for passage.  See the April 22 post for details on these tax cuts under Obama.

With the data it had access to, the CBO report could go into other areas as well, including distributional issues.  It merits a close look.  Figure 6 on page 15 is particularly interesting.  It shows that real after tax income growth for the bottom 80% of the population over the last 30 years (basically since Reagan), has been modest at best, while it has been spectacular for the top 1%.  Based on data published along with the report (in the Supplementary Tables), one can calculate that income growth for the bottom 80% of the population has averaged just 1.1% a year, and was fairly similar for each of the quintiles (i.e. for the 0 to 20%, 21 to 40%, 41 to 60%, and 61 to 80% quintiles), with a range of only between 0.9% and 1.2% for the annual average growth rates.  After 30 years, real incomes grew by a total of only 38% for the bottom 80% of the US population.

In contrast, real income was 155% higher in 2009 than it was in 1979 for the top 1%.  And the 2009 income was relatively low due to the 2008 economic collapse (and we know from other sources that the income of the very rich then bounced back in 2010 and 2011).  In 2007, real after tax incomes of the top 1% was 304% above where it was in 1979.  For the bottom 80%, changing to a 2007 base makes little difference:  it was only 38.6% higher.  It is also interesting to note that it is really only the top 1% that has gained so spectacularly in this post-Reagan period.  Total real after tax income growth between 1979 and 2009 was 50% for the 81 to 90th percentile, was 61% for the 91 to 95th percentile, and was 70% for the 96 to 99th percentile.  The spectacular growth is only seen in the top 1%.

The results are similar to what was shown in a graph I had in a January 29, 2012, post on this blog, on the impact of Reagan, reproduced here and which uses data from Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez:

impact of Reagan on growth of real incomes, bottom 90%, top 10%, top 1%, top 0.1%, top 0.01%, 1980-2008

The pattern is similar.  There has been spectacular income growth since Reagan for the top 1%, and even more so for the top 0.1% or top 0.01%, but not for everyone else.

Romney On Obama’s Health Care Reforms: A Tax or a Penalty?

Mitt Romney and his campaign have gone back and forth in recent days on whether the fees that would be paid under the “individual mandate” by those able to get health insurance but don’t, should be labeled a “tax” or a “penalty”.  As Governor of Massachusetts in 2006, when Romney signed into law a similar individual mandate that was central to the Massachusetts health care reforms, Romney insisted on calling the fee a penalty.  On July 2, a senior official in the Romney campaign said that the similar fee in the Obama health care plan also was a penalty.  But this then raised a fire-storm of criticism by many Republicans and others on the right, who had been arguing that with the June 28 Supreme Court decision that the fee was constitutional because it was within the authority of Congress to tax, Obama had signed into law in the health care plan a massive tax increase.  Mitt Romney then reversed course, and in an interview on July 4, said that it was a tax and not a penalty.

But the whole argument is absurd.  Whether one calls it in popular discourse a “tax” or a “penalty” is a matter of semantics.  More importantly, the fee (the neutral term I will use here) will only apply to those who are financially able to purchase health insurance, and choose not to.  This is necessary for private health insurers to be prohibited (as provided in the law) from denying coverage to individuals with pre-existing health conditions.  Without a mandate to purchase health insurance, someone could choose not to buy health insurance until they come down with some serious health condition (such as cancer or heart disease requiring an operation), and then enroll only then, on the day of their operation.  These would be free-riders, purchasing insurance only when they develop some health condition requiring expensive treatment.  It would be like insurance companies allowing people to buy fire insurance on their homes at the point when the homes are already on fire.

The fee (or tax or penalty) that would be charged would only apply to those able to buy health insurance, but then choose not to.  It would not apply, for example, to those whose lowest health care insurance option would cost over 8% of their income.  Nor would it apply to those with income below the income tax filing threshold, and there would be exemptions for religious reasons, for American Indians, for those without coverage for up to three months, and for financial hardship.  The fee that would be charged those who still choose not to purchase health insurance would then be 2.5% of household income (or $695 up to a maximum of three times this for a family, if greater).  Such a fee is low, and well less than the costs imposed on society of free-riders who believe it is better for them not to purchase health insurance until they have a major medical expense coming.

Ideally, the amount to be collected under this fee (or tax or penalty) would be zero, as everyone who can purchase health insurance, does so.  It is far from the “largest tax increase in the history of the world”, as Rush Limbaugh has labeled it (confusing the fee associated with failure to purchase health insurance when you can, with other provisions in the law).  And while there are probably some in the country who would like to be free-riders, I doubt there are many.  Personally, I know of no one who does not want to have health insurance coverage if they can get it.  The problem, rather, is the opposite, where individuals desperately want health insurance coverage, but are either denied it or are only offered expensive coverage that they cannot afford because of some medical condition.

The Obama health care reforms would make it possible for everyone to have access to affordable health care.  It is being done through private health insurance, as conservatives have long insisted.  But for this to work, without the private health insurance companies going bankrupt, the potential free-rider problem had to be resolved.  The fee that would be charged such free-riders is aimed at doing this.