Romney’s and Ryan’s Confusion on Basic Accounting: Medicare Cost Savings is Not a Raid on Medicare

From a Romney / Ryan TV ad currently being broadcast:   “Obama has cut $716 billion dollars from Medicare,” says the narrator. “The money you paid for your guaranteed health care…is going to a massive new government program that’s not for you.”

Mitt Romney in a stump speech in Ohio on August 14:   “Did you know that he’s taken $716 billion out of the Medicare trust fund?  He’s raided that trust fund.  And you know what he did with it?  He’s used it to pay for Obamacare”

Paul Ryan in an interview on Fox News Channel:  “We’re the ones who are not raiding Medicare to pay for Obamacare”

(all three sources quoted in this ABC News story)

Over the last several days there have been incredible allegations from Mitt Romney, his proposed running mate Paul Ryan, and their campaign, that Obama is raiding the Medicare Trust Fund for $716 billion in order to pay for Obamacare.  The statement has been made with such certainty and certitude, and repeated so often, that one assumes there must be some element of truth behind it.   Not surprisingly, many news services are reporting it as fact, and a good deal of digging is required to find out what Romney and Ryan are in fact referring to.  And since it is so basic, one wants to double-check and triple-check to make sure something has not been missed.

But the basic conclusion is inescapable:  Either Romney does not understand basic accounting (and given his business career, one would assume he would), or he is trying to deliberately mislead the public.  And Ryan appears to be completely confused on the difference between cost savings and cost increases.

First of all, everyone agrees that the $716 billion number comes from the Congressional Budget Office, from a July 24, 2012 report produced at the request of Speaker of the House John Boehner.  The report analyses the impact on the budget over the ten year period 2013 to 2023, if the Affordable Care Act of 2010 (“Obamacare”) were repealed, as his draft bill H.R. 6079 would do.  Since the analysis is looking at the impact on public spending and revenues from the repeal of Obamacare, one needs to be careful on the mathematical sign of the changes projected.  Most analyses look at the impacts on spending and revenues that will follow as a consequence of Obamacare being approved.    This is looking at the reverse.  And while it is important to keep this straight, I don’t think this is the source of Romney’s and Ryan’s error.

The $716 billion figure is an estimate by the CBO of the higher costs that Medicare would incur if Obamacare were reversed.  The primary reason Medicare will enjoy savings as a result of Obamacare is that hospitals and other health facilities will not bear the uncompensated costs they now incur when they treat the uninsured.  Everyone recognizes, even Romney and Ryan, that the number of uninsured will go down under Obamacare.  Like everyone else, the uninsured often require medical care, and currently hospitals and other facilities will not turn anyone away for at least initial treatment, either in accordance with their own ethical standards, or in some States in accordance with the law.  But the costs need to be covered somehow, and hospitals and other facilities currently shift these costs to those who are insured, either by Medicare or by private insurance.  As the current uninsured become insured under the Obamacare system, hospitals will no longer have to shift these costs onto Medicare and other insured patients, and Medicare (as well as private insurance) will save.  The $716 billion figure is the CBO’s estimate of the savings Medicare will receive as a consequence of reducing the number of uninsured.  There will still be uninsured patients, but there will be fewer.

The CBO in fact presents a break-down of these estimates across some major categories.  Mathematically, I will present them here as the savings that would follow if Obamacare is implemented rather than reversed.

CBO estimates of ten year savings, 2013-2022.   In $ billions.
A.  Lower Medicare payments to facilities, currently needed to compensate for care to the uninsured: $415b
   1)  Hospitals                                    $260b
   2)  Skilled Nursing Facilities              $39b
   3)  Hospice Services                         $17b
   4)  Home Health Services                 $66b
   5)  All Other                                        $33b
B.  Lower Medicare payments needed to hospitals serving a disproportionate share of low-income patients  $56b
C.  Lower Medicare subsidies to the Medicare Advantage option $156b
D.  All other  $89b
TOTAL $716b

Medicare and the Medicare Trust Fund (and private insurance as well) will therefore save enormous amounts when the cost shifting that currently occurs because of the large number of uninsured, will be reduced as the uninsured become able to obtain their own medical insurance under the Obamacare system.  There will still of course be costs for the currently uninsured to obtain new health insurance coverage.  Part will be borne by the currently uninsured when they are able to purchase coverage currently beyond their reach (as prices for individual coverage can be extremely high in the current US system, due to adverse selection problems; such prices will come down under Obamacare due to the universal mandate).  But part will be borne by the government, whether through direct subsidies to those of lower income to pay part of the costs of their health insurance, or the direct costs of an expanded Medicaid.  These costs are reflected in the CBO estimates of the overall costs of implementing Obamacare.  For consistency, the CBO then estimated also what Medicare would save (an estimated $716 billion) when there is less cost-shifting by hospitals and other facilities to cover care for the current uninsured.

What Romney either never understood or is mis-representing, is that the savings Medicare will receive as a result of increased coverage of the uninsured under Obamacare, is not a “raid” on the Medicare Trust Fund.  Indeed, it is the exact opposite.  Medicare will enjoy an estimated $716 billion in savings as a result of Obamacare, and hence the funds in the Medicare Trust Fund will go further than they would without such savings.  And the CBO, in estimating the expected ten-year overall cost of the Obamacare reforms, correctly reflected such savings in lower Medicare costs.

What is completely disingenuous is the Paul Ryan comment that he is not “raiding” the Medicare Trust Fund under his plan (which Romney says he supports), while Obama is.  In recent days, it has been pointed out that buried in the Paul Ryan budget proposal (approved by the Republican House), are cuts to Medicare of the same $716 billion.  Ryan has reluctantly acknowledged that they are there.  But when asked today while campaigning in Ohio why his budget plan includes the same $716 billion cut, Ryan responded:

“First of all, those are in the baseline, he put those cuts in,” Ryan said, referring to Obama.  “Second of all, we voted to repeal Obamacare repeatedly, including those cuts. I voted that way before the budget, I voted that way after the budget.  So when you repeal all of Obamacare what you end up doing is that repeals that as well.”

“In our budget we’ve restored a lot of that,” Ryan continued. “It gets a little wonky but it was already in the baseline.  We would never have done it in the first place.  We voted to repeal the whole bill.  I just don’t think the president’s going to be able to get out of the fact that he took $716 billion from Medicare to pay for Obamacare.”

The confusion here is breathtaking.  The $716 billion reduction in costs that Medicare will incur are in the Obama budget precisely because Obamacare would be implemented, and hence the number of uninsured reduced.  The hospitals and others will not then need to shift the costs of treating the uninsured onto Medicare and others of us who are fortunate to have medical insurance.  But Ryan would repeal Obamacare, and hence these savings to Medicare would not materialize.  Medicare would need to spend more if Ryan gets his wish, and if in his budget he would then cap what Medicare could spend to $716 billion less than then needed, Medicare would no longer be able to pay in full for the medical costs of its seniors.  If Medicare spending is not capped (and there is no current legal basis for it to be so capped), the extra $716 billion in Medicare costs would go straight to an increase in the deficit over what the Ryan budget projects.

Paul Ryan delights in being treated as a “policy wonk” who supposedly knows his numbers.  If he does, then he is seriously misrepresenting the truth.  And the best that can be said about Mitt Romney is that this might be an issue which he does not really understand, and hence has accepted as correct the position that Ryan (and other Republican advisors) have repeatedly stated.  The alternative is that he too understands that this is a complete misrepresentation of what the CBO has estimated.

Employment Growth: Better, but Still Too Slow

US employment, December 2005 to July 2012, monthly change, private sector and government

The Bureau of Labor Statistics released yesterday its initial estimates for unemployment and for employment growth in July (along with the normal updated estimates for earlier figures).  While generally an improvement over the numbers for the last few months, the results were still not as good as they need to be.

The unemployment rate was essentially unchanged, even though the headline number rose from 8.2% in June to 8.3% in July.  This appearance of a rise was largely due to the way the rounding off worked.  In the raw, unrounded, numbers, the calculated unemployment rate would have been 8.217% in June and 8.254% in July.  But such accuracy is spurious.  The figures come from surveys, and it is generally taken that changes of 0.1% points are not statistically significant in any case, even aside from round-off.

The growth in total net employment was 163,000.  This is a good deal better than the figures of 68,000, 87,000, and 64,000 of the previous three months (April, May, and June, respectively).  But while better than the previous abysmal numbers, growth of 163,000 jobs per month is still not sufficient to bring down unemployment on a sustainable basis.  As has been noted previously in this blog, the US needs to add between 200,000 and 250,000 jobs per month for the unemployment rate to start to fall on a consistent basis, given the US population and growth of its labor force.  At 163,000, we are short of that.

Still, it is positive growth, and is all due to growth in private employment as government continues to cut back.  The graph above shows the monthly figures on employment growth in the private sector and in government, going back to December 2005.  Private employment began to fall with the bursting of the housing bubble in early 2006, and was plummeting in 2008 at the end of the Bush Administration as the economy collapsed.  This turned around quickly under Obama, soon after the passage of the fiscal stimulus package (and supported as well by an aggressive response by the US Fed and by other actions).  The monthly loss of private jobs at first slowed and then turned to net gains by early 2010.  Since then the private sector has been consistently adding jobs.

But the growth in jobs have not been enough to bring down unemployment by enough.  While the unemployment rate has come down from its peak of 10.0% to its current 8.3%, the unemployment rate at what is considered full employment would be between 5 and 6% (5 to 6% as there is always job turnover, with some people out of jobs even at what is considered full employment).

As has been noted before in this blog, this disappointing growth in total jobs can be attributed to fiscal drag, as government has been steadily cutting back the number of government workers during the term Obama has been in office.  Most of this has been at the state and local level (as state and local government accounts for 87% of government employment in the US), but has happened at the federal level as well.

This cut back in government employment during the Obama term is in sharp contrast to the growth in government employment during the Bush terms.  We are now close enough to the end of Obama’s first term that a reasonable projection for his full first term is possible.  Using the actual numbers through July 2012, and then projecting August 2012 to January 2013 to continue at the same pace as that observed so far in 2012, one can arrive at the following estimates:

Net Job Growth Government Private
Bush:   January 2001 to January 2005 +900,000 -913,000
Obama:  January 2009 to January 2013* -711,000 +1,179,000
* August 2012 to January 2013 projected at monthly pace of January 2012 to July 2012

Government employment grew by 900,000 during Bush’s first term (it grew by a similar and further 841,000 in his second term).  In sharp contrast, at the current pace government employment will have been cut back by 711,000 in Obama’s first term.  Yet Mitt Romney and other Republicans repeatedly assert that government exploded under Obama, while they avow support for the small government conservatism of Bush.

Romney and his follow Republicans also repeatedly assert that the tax cut and deregulation policies of Bush are what is needed to restore private job growth.  Yet private jobs fell by 913,000 during Bush’s first term, while on the current pace, they will have risen by 1,179,000 during Obama’s first term.

Had government been allowed to grow during Obama’s first term at the same pace as it had during Bush’s, there would be an additional 1.6 million (900,000 + about 700,000) school teachers, policemen, firemen, and others directly employed.  The country could certainly use their services.  And by itself, employing 1.6 million more would bring down the unemployment rate to 7.2%.  With a conservative multiplier of two, the unemployment rate would be brought down to 6.2%, or close to full employment.

Obama may well lose the election due to the still high unemployment.  Romney and his fellow Republicans have repeatedly and loudly charged that this has been due to an explosion of government during Obama’s term in office.  But the truth is that government has been cut back sharply during Obama’s term.  And the great irony is that had government been allowed to grow as it had under the previous Republican administration of Bush, Obama would now be certain of re-election.

The Impact of the Fiscal Austerity Program in the UK: A Comparison to the US and to the Great Depression

UK and US real GDP, comparison of growth since 2008 downturn by quarter

Both the US and the UK released last week (on July 25 by the UK Office for National Statistics, and on July 27 by the US Bureau of Economic Analysis) their initial estimates for GDP growth in the second quarter of 2012.  Both were disappointing:  The estimated US growth was a positive 1.5% at an annual rate, down from growth of 2.0% in the first quarter and a now estimated 4.1% in the last quarter of 2011.  But the UK figure was abysmal, showing growth at a negative 2.8% at an annual rate.   (The headline figure commonly quoted in the UK was a negative 0.7%, but the tradition in the UK is to express this on a quarter on quarter basis.  It comes to four times this, or a negative 2.8%, when annualized.  In the US, the figures are traditionally expressed on an annualized basis.)

The US growth figures were discussed in a post on this blog yesterday.  The focus in this post will be on the UK numbers, and in particular the path followed by the UK in the downturn that was sparked by the US financial collapse in 2008, in the last year of the Bush administration.  Comparison to the path followed in the US economy is especially interesting as both countries have followed similar aggressive monetary policies (with independent Central Banks pushing short term interest rates essentially to zero, plus the use of quantitative easing to provide ample liquidity to the economy), both have independent floating currencies (unlike the economies tied together with a common currency in the Eurozone), and both moved aggressively at the onset of the crisis to keep large banks from failing through official loans which were later repaid.

But there is one important difference, and this sets up a natural experiment which is rarely possible in economics.  Following elections in May 2010, a Conservative Party led government in the UK (in coalition with the Liberal Democrats as a minority partner) moved to an aggressive austerity focused fiscal policy, with major cut-backs in government spending.  With other policy factors being similar, one can see what the impact of such a fiscal austerity program will be, not only in comparison to what was happening immediately before in the UK, but also in comparison to a US economy which was otherwise following similar policies.

In the UK parliamentary system, the fiscal austerity program was passed via an Emergency Budget in late June 2010.  Such a dramatic change in policy is possible in a parliamentary system as the ruling government will always enjoy a majority in Parliament (perhaps in coalition with other parties), so Parliament will not hold up the program of the government as it can in the US congressional system.  Indeed, in the US now a minority of 40% of Senators will veto any measure they wish due to abuse of Senate rules (rules which are not reflected in any way in the US Constitution, which does not call for a super-majority of 60% to pass such measures).  These Senate rules have been in place for a century and a half, but until recently were used only in rare exceptional circumstances.  This use of these Senate rules have blocked Obama from implementing many, although not all, of the programs he has sought.

The graph above shows the path of GDP growth in the UK and in the US by calendar quarters from the pre-recession peaks in GDP (set equal to 100).  This peak was in the fourth quarter of 2007 for the US, and in the first quarter of 2008 for the UK.  The downturn started in the US.  The UK economy then dropped further and faster, as the financial sector was at the center of the collapse and the financial sector (with London as the most important international center) is a larger share of the UK economy than it is in the larger and more diversified US economy.

The US economy began to recover soon after Obama was elected and was able to pass and start to implement the fiscal stimulus package (along with aggressive measures by the US Fed and other actions).  The UK economy also began to turn around at about the same time.  The Labor Party Government under Gordon Brown was following similar measures as were being implemented under Obama in the US.  Both economies then began to grow, at roughly similar rates.

But then the UK held the May 2010 elections, which the Labor Party lost.  The Conservatives (in coalition with the Liberal Democrats) took control of the Parliament and of the government.  David Cameron became Prime Minister.  He immediately announced that an aggressive austerity budget would be drawn up and implemented, and it was, starting in the summer of 2010.  This was the tenth quarter from the pre-recession peak for the UK of the first quarter of 2008.

The impact has been clear and stark, as shown in the diagram above.  The economy reached a peak in its recovery in the tenth quarter, but then the recovery stopped.  The UK economy has now fallen for three straight quarters, going into a double-dip recession.  The US economy, in contrast, has continued to grow.

The UK fiscal austerity package has clearly been a failure.  The economy stopped growing when that program began.  The Conservative Party argument in favor of their austerity package was that it would induce “confidence” among investors, and that their increased investment would off-set the cut-backs in government.  This has not happened, despite ample liquidity in the markets and interest rates that are at historical lows.  The alternative view, which I share, is that investors will invest to expand capacity only if they see a market for what they would then be able to produce, and only if they do not have an existing excess of capacity to produce it without further investment.  Fiscal austerity will reduce that market, not expand it.  To argue that contractionary fiscal policies will be expansionary is just wrong and is inconsistent with the facts.  Contractionary policies are contractionary.

The austerity program has also failed in its announced aim of rapidly bringing down the fiscal deficit at a faster pace than was forecast before.  With the economy flattening out and then declining, tax revenues have fallen below what was anticipated.  After close to a year and a half of experience under their fiscal austerity program, the Conservative Government had to admit last November that their plan to bring down the budget deficit to zero would require two more years than they had originally said.  Since then the economy has deteriorated even further, with GDP falling for three calendar quarters now rather than merely remaining flat.  The date by which their avowed aim of budget balance will be achieved will have receded even further.  The austerity program has failed even by its own objective of seeking to bring down the deficit rapidly.

These results are important for the US.  Mitt Romney and the Republican Party in the US have argued for a fiscal austerity program similar in nature to what the Conservative Party is implementing in the UK.  But the UK results have been abysmal.  Even business leaders gathered in London for meetings surrounding the Olympics now underway, have called for David Cameron and his Conservative Party to reconsider his fiscal program, according to a report in today’s Financial Times.  The Cameron Government has argued that the 2.8% decline in GDP in the second quarter was in part a consequence of special factors (the celebration of the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee and unusually wet weather; but celebrations normally spark growth, and one would have thought that the UK knows how to cope with wet weather).  It also may well be the case that the Olympic Games now underway in London will lead to growth in the third quarter due to high tourist and other expenditures linked to the games.  But even discounting such special factors, one cannot hide the abrupt flattening out and then decline in the economy since the fiscal austerity program was initiated.  The contrast to the US path is stark.

Finally, it is of interest to compare the 2008 downturn and aborted recovery in the UK to the path the UK economy followed in the 1930s, during the world-wide Great Depression.  As seen in the graph below, the UK path is now well below where it was at the same point during the recovery from the 1930 downturn.  Economic performance in the UK is worse now than it was during the Great Depression.  The record of the austerity program in the UK, a program that the Repubicans want to duplicate in the US, has been truly terrible.

UK real GDP, comparison of growth since 2008 and during Great Depression, by quarter