Inflation in the US Would Meet the Fed Target of 2% if Calculated as Europe Does

No price index is perfect.  Assumptions need to be made on what to include and how to include it.  Based on those decisions, the resulting price indices (and hence inflation rates) can differ and differ significantly.  And this can affect policy.

In this context, it is interesting to compare what inflation would be when calculated as the US does for the widely followed consumer price index (CPI), or if it were calculated according to the standard followed in the European Union for what it calls the harmonized index of consumer prices (HICP).  Both are reasonable measures, but the resulting inflation can be quite different, as seen in the chart above.  With the CPI, the Fed may conclude inflation is still too high – above its 2% target.  But calculated as Europe does, one could conclude that inflation is now too low.

This short post will look at the differences and the primary reasons for them.  There are lessons to be learned.  In particular, it is important to understand what lies behind various statistical measures – including, but not only, any measure of inflation – and not blindly focus on just one when arriving at policy decisions.  The Fed in general does, and the Fed’s Board has an excellent staff to advise on developments in the economy.  But the media often does not consider such distinctions.

The chart at the top of this post shows the 6-month rolling average percentage changes in prices (at annualized rates) for the period from December 2020 through to January 2024.  Both measures are for the US, and both are calculated by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) based on the same data on prices that the BLS collects.  The CPI data can be found here, while US inflation based on the HICP methodology as calculated by the BLS can be found here.  The BLS notes that its calculations of US inflation based on the HICP methodology are carried out outside of the “official production system” (as it calls it), and are more in the nature of a research project.  But the BLS uses the same underlying data for the HICP measure as it uses for its regular CPI calculations.

The HICP methodology was developed as Europe moved to greater monetary integration, culminating in the creation of a common currency – the euro – as well as the European Central Bank (the ECB).  The ECB has – similarly to the Fed – the objective of targeting a 2% rate of inflation.  For this, it obviously needs to know what inflation is in the Eurozone.  But the member nations of Europe that came together to adopt the euro as a common currency (currently 20 nations) had each long had their own way of estimating inflation within their countries, with various methodologies used.

A common approach needed to be adopted, and starting with regulations issued in 1995, the participating nations agreed to what was labeled the “harmonized index (or indices) of consumer prices” (HICP).  The statistical agencies of the EU member countries would follow that common methodology, and report their results to Eurostat for aggregation across the countries to a euro-wide index of inflation for use by the ECB.  The HICP is now used also for international comparisons of inflation, and it is in this context that the BLS prepares its HICP inflation index for the US.

There are a number of differences between the approaches used for the HICP and for the CPI that lead to the differences in the inflation rates seen in the chart above.  The key ones are:

a)  The HICP only includes prices of goods and services where there are direct monetary expenditures.  The CPI, in contrast, includes estimates of what the implicit costs are of certain services where there are not such direct expenditures.  The most important of these are the services provided in owner-occupied homes.  The CPI assumes that rents are implicitly being paid at rates similar to what is being paid by those who actually do rent.  As was discussed in a post on this blog from last May, the way rents are adjusted (where rental contracts are typically for a year) leads to a lag of up to a year in observed rental rates adjusting to pressures that affect rental rates.  As discussed in that post, this long lag has led to a divergence in observed inflation rates in the past year for the shelter component of the CPI in comparison to the CPI for all goods and services other than shelter.

Inflation in the shelter component of the CPI has been the primary cause of inflation remaining above the Fed’s 2% target.  Inflation in all goods and services in the CPI other than shelter moderated greatly in mid-2022 and has since fluctuated between zero and 2%.  But the shelter component of the CPI has kept the overall CPI at between 3 and 4% since mid-2022.  With the HICP leaving out the cost of shelter on owner-occupied homes (it includes it for those who rent), it is not surprising that inflation as measured by the HICP has been well below inflation as measured by the CPI.

b)  Also important to understanding the differing figures is that the HICP methodology does not include seasonal adjustments.  While seasonal factors can be important, adjusting the figures to reflect that seasonality is technically difficult.  The HICP methodology, as adopted by the EU, leaves it out.  This probably explains the low rates observed in the chart for HICP inflation seen in each of the six-month figures ending in December, with relatively high rates seen in each of the six-month figures ending in June.

Inflation as measured by the HICP will likely therefore go up in the coming months from the 0.0% rate observed for the six months ending in December 2023 and the 1.0% rate ending in January 2024.  Using a rolling 12-month average will mostly resolve such seasonality differences, and a chart of this will be examined below.  It shows 12-month rates for the HICP (both for the overall HICP and for a core HICP that leaves out food and energy) fluctuating around a 2% rate starting in June 2023 and continuing at least until now.

c)  There are a number of other technical differences, but these are likely less important for the issues being considered here.  For example, the HICP adjusts the weights used to calculate the overall HICP index (and its component sub-total indices) only once a year.  The CPI, in contrast, is what is called a chain-weighted index where the weights are changed each month to reflect changing expenditure shares.  But this is probably not terribly important as the weights do not change even year to year by all that much.

Also, the HICP – if one strictly followed the formal methodology – includes prices faced by the rural population.  But the BLS only collects price data from the major urban areas for the CPI, which means that the HICP for the US will only reflect urban prices.  That does, however, then mean that there will be less of a difference between the HICP as estimated for the US and the standard CPI for the US.  But it also then means comparisons of inflation across countries (where other countries include estimates for prices in rural areas) will not be as reliable.

Finally, the year-on-year inflation rates for the HIPC are of interest.  They have the advantage of mostly not being affected by seasonality issues (there can still be some seasonal effects, given how the seasonal adjustment algorithms work), but have the disadvantage of not capturing turning points in inflation trends as well.

The year-on-year rates for the US of both the overall HICP and the core HICP have been:

In terms of the year-on-year measures (12-month rolling changes ending on the dates shown), both the overall HICP and the core HICP have fluctuated at rates of between 1 1/2 and 2 1/2% since the 12-month period ending in June 2023.  It has remained within that narrow range for 8 months, or two-thirds of a year.  If the US measured inflation like Europe does, one would conclude that the Fed should now be allowing interest rates to fall from their current relatively high levels (aimed at reducing inflation) down to more neutral levels.

Inflation in the US as measured by the CPI remains above the Fed’s 2% target primarily due to inflation in the shelter component of the index.  But the behavior of the cost of shelter has been special.  This is in part due to the lag built into how the cost of shelter services is estimated for the CPI (due to reliance on estimates of rental-equivalent costs, as discussed in the post from last May cited above).  But there have also been other factors in recent years due to impacts arising from the response to the Covid crisis and then a rebound that came with the recovery from that crisis.  Those issues will be discussed in a subsequent post on this blog.

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Update – February 17, 2024

From comments I have received on this post, I see that some of the points should be clarified.  The basic message was clear enough:  That if the US were using the measure of inflation used in Europe, one would conclude that inflation is now at around the Fed taget of 2% and that the Fed should therefore consider allowing interest rates to fall back down to more neutral levels.  The primary reason why inflation in the US as measured by the CPI has remained above the Fed’s 2% target has been inflation in the cost of housing services (which is estimated based on the cost of rental equivalents).  And the estimates for housing are special, both due to lags in how rental rates are determined and special circumstances arising from the Covid crisis and the recovery from it.

The HICP measure used in Europe treats housing differently, as it measures the prices only of goods and services actually paid for, and not – as for owner-occupied homes – a service that follows from the ownership of the asset.  The US CPI treats the services of owner-occupied homes as if a rent were being paid to yourself, as the owner.  This leads to the not terribly intuitive situation where inflation in those implicit rents may be high – which is treated as if it were reducing your real income – but at the same time those rents are being paid to yourself – thus increasing your income.  That ends up as a wash.  But when we look at what has happened to real incomes as a consequence of inflation, we include the former (those implicit rents are reflected in the CPI) but leave out the latter (incomes are not adjusted for the implicit rents being paid to yourself).

In part for this reason, the European HICP measure of inflation leaves out those implicit rents.  But one should not say that the HICP is right and the CPI is wrong (or vice versa).  Rather, they are different and it is important to understand the difference.

In addition to the treatment of housing services, the HICP measure is not seasonally adjusted.  The CPI that is usually the focus of attention is seasonally adjusted.  I flagged this on the charts, but it likely would have been useful to have shown as well the not seasonally adjusted CPI series.  The charts become more cluttered, but one can then better see what the impact of seasonal adjustment (or the lack of it) has been.  And the not seasonally adjusted CPI is more directly comparable to the HICP.

The chart at the top of this post then becomes:

The rolling 6-month annualized change in the CPI is shown here as calculated both from the seasonally adjusted series (in red, and as before) and from the not seasonally adjusted series (in black, and with diamond markers).  As noted in the text, the seasonally adjusted CPI (in red) has fluctuated in the relatively narrow range of 3 to 4% (annualized) since the six-month period ending in December 2022 (i.e. since mid-2022).  The not seasonally adjusted CPI (in black) has moved on a similar path as the HICP (which is not seasonally adjusted), but always above it – and generally about 1 to 2% points above it (since mid-2022).

Adding the CPI and core CPI series to the 12-month rolling average chart might also have been helpful:

While 12-month changes do not capture the turning points as well as 6-month changes do, the basic story remains the same:  Inflation fell sharply in the 12 months leading up to June 2023 (i.e. since mid-2022), but the US CPI measure has been well above what the European HICP measure would indicate inflation has been over this recent period.  It is also interesting to note that while the overall CPI has been (since mid-2023) about 1 to 1 1/2% points above the comparable overall HICP measure, the core CPI has been about 2 to 2 1/2% points above the comparable core HICP measure.

Why?  Again this can be attributed to how the cost of housing services is treated. The HICP measure leaves out the implicit rents paid on owner-occupied housing, but the CPI includes them.  In the overall CPI, shelter has a weight of 36% in the overall index, which is significant.  Food and energy have a weight of a little over 20% in the overall index.  Food and energy are excluded from the core index, so the remaining items have a weight of about 80%.  The weight of shelter in the core CPI will therefore be 36% of 80% = 45%.  With the cost of housing services rising at a faster pace than the cost of other goods and services, the higher, 45%, weight of housing services in the core CPI leads to the margin over the core HICP (where services from owner-occupied housing are left out and hence have no weight) being greater.  Thus the 2 to 2 1/2% margin of the core CPI over the core HICP rather than the 1 to 1 1/2% margin of the overall CPI over the overall HICP.

 

Inflation Other Than for Shelter Has Moderated Even More – An Update With May 2023 Data

This is just a short update to my May 10 post on this blog to reflect newly released data.  The Bureau of Labor Statistics released today its estimates for the Consumer Price Index for May 2023.  I noted in the May 10 blog post (that had data through April 2023) that the pace of inflation when one excludes the shelter component had come down sharply over the past year.  One sees this most clearly when one focuses on the change over rolling 6-month periods (annualized). The rolling 6-month change in the CPI excluding the shelter component peaked in early 2022 at an annualized rate of over 12%.  But since late 2022, the 6-month rate has fluctuated in the range of just 0.3 to 2.0% (annualized), and it remains there.  The May 2023 6-month figure was just 0.8%.  The Fed’s target is to keep inflation at around 2%.  These have been below that for half a year now.

The most interesting new data point in the chart above is the most recent 12-month change in the CPI excluding the shelter component.  It had hit a peak of over 10 1/2% in mid-2022, but had come down to a rate of 3.4% in March as well as in April.  In the newly released data as of May, it had fallen further to just 2.2% on a 12-month basis.  This is basically at the Fed target for inflation.

But the shelter component of the CPI of course matters.  It has a 35% weight in the overall CPI index as it includes not only what people pay when they rent housing but also the rental equivalent cost of owner-occupied housing (which can only be estimated by observing what is being paid for rental units).  As was explained in the May 10 post on this blog, the shelter component of the CPI can furthermore only be estimated by observations of what people are actually paying as they rent, and rental contracts in the US are normally set for a year.  Thus even where there may be pressures to increase rental rates in some market, leading to higher rental rates being charged as contracts come up for renewal, those higher rents will only go into effect when rental contracts are in fact renewed.  If you had renewed your rental contract recently, it might be close to a year before the rent you have to pay actually goes up.  Since the Bureau of Labor Statistics interviewers ask the households what they are actually paying in rent at the time of the interview, inflationary pressures on rental rates will take up to a year to work their way through.

This long lag is seen in the orange and red lines in the chart above.  The annualized rates rose throughout 2021 and 2022.  But the 6-month rate peaked in early 2023, reaching a rate of 9.1% (annualized) as of February.  As of May it has come down to 7.9%.  The 12-month rate peaked at 8.2% in March and is now down slightly to 8.0%.  While the news media and others normally focus on the 12-month rates, turning points will often be first revealed by examining shorter time periods.  If too short (such as monthly), it may be difficult to isolate the trends from the statistical noise inherent in the monthly data.  A 6-month rate is a reasonable compromise.

The cost of housing is still rising at too high a rate.  But given the 12-month periods of most rental contracts, and the use of such observed rental rates to impute the rental-equivalent costs of owner-occupied housing, it will take some time for the shelter component of the CPI to return to the rates observed prior to the onset of the Covid crisis.  The inflation rates are now coming down, but that cycle is not yet complete.

But excluding shelter, consumer inflation is already back to where it was before the disruptions due to the Covid crisis, with its lockdowns, supply-chain disruptions, and the massive fiscal relief packages passed into law under both Trump and Biden.  Hopefully the Fed is paying attention to this.

Inflation Other Than For Shelter Has Moderated – And Shelter is Special

The Bureau of Labor Statistics released its regular monthly report on the Consumer Price Index today, with data through April 2023.  Most news reports focused – understandably – on the twelve-month change in the overall CPI as well as of the core CPI (the CPI excluding the food and energy components, as the prices of food and energy are volatile and go down as well as up).  But in looking through the figures, I came across an interesting aspect that I have not seen discussed.

Specifically, while the overall CPI index has been declining slowly (the 12-month rate ending in April was 4.9% overall – down from a peak of 8.9% in June 2022), this was mostly due to the shelter portion of the CPI.  If one excludes the shelter component of the CPI, the most recent 12-month rate was 3.4% (down from 10.6% in June 2022 – see the chart above).  Furthermore and of greater interest, the 6-month rates for the CPI excluding shelter have fluctuated between essentially zero and 2.0% since December 2022.  This has been not just a one month fluctuation:  The 6-month changes have been at annualized rates of 2.0% or less for five months now.  And the Fed’s target for inflation is 2%.

The shelter component of the CPI, in contrast, has been steadily going up (until recently) since early 2021.  It is special for a number of reasons.  One is that it is the single most important component of the CPI, with a 35% weight in the index.  In comparison, food accounts for 13% and all energy for 7%.  Second, and importantly, estimating price changes to enter into the CPI for shelter is difficult.  As explained in detail in this factsheet from the BLS, the cost of shelter that enters into the determination of a consumer price index is not (as many mistakenly assume) the cost of buying a home.  Buying a home is an investment.  Rather, what enters into the cost-of-living index is the rental equivalent cost of living there.  The BLS imputes this rental equivalent cost by gathering data on the rents in fact being charged in that geographic area, and then adjusts these to take into account differences in quality and in payments made for associated services (such as for utilities, where payments to utilities are accounted for in a different area of the CPI).

A third and very important aspect of rents (and hence the rental equivalent for owner-occupied homes) is that rents change only periodically – usually annually.  Hence when the BLS surveys what rents are being charged in some geographic zone, the rents they will record will include households whose rents have been constant for close to a year as well as some households whose rents had recently stepped up but which will now be constant for a year.  Suppose, for example, that due to pressure in the markets, rents in some area are all being raised by 12%.  This will then lead to actual changes in the rents being paid month by month as the rental contracts come up for renewal.  With the renewals more or less evenly spread over the course of a year, in the first month roughly one-twelfth of the households will see their rents rise by 12%, but the rents for the other households will remain unchanged.  Hence the overall rise in rents, as then recorded in the CPI (and reflected as well in the rental equivalent cost in owner-occupied homes) will be just 1% in the first month.  In the second month it will rise to 2% (i.e. two-twelfths of the households will be paying 12% more and ten-twelfths will still be paying the same as before), and so on until after 12 months – and only after 12 months – the increase in rents being paid by everyone in the area will be the full 12%.

Thus the shelter component of the CPI – reflecting what people are actually paying in rents (and hence also what rent is imputed to owner-occupied homes) – changes only slowly over time.  This is seen in the chart at the top of this post, and not only with the recent increases since 2021 but also in the far more steady rates seen in the years before when compared to changes in the CPI excluding shelter.  (And note that in the period of 2014 to 2020 the increases in the cost of shelter were around 3 to 4% a year, or well above the prices in the CPI excluding the shelter component:  Housing was becoming steadily more expensive compared to other items in the CPI.)

The cost of shelter then started to rise, as noted above, from early 2021.  And in terms of the 12-month rate, it has risen steadily until very recently, where it has leveled off for three months now at about 8.1%.  But there are signs that it will soon start to come down (i.e. not increase as fast).  Not only has it leveled off, but the 6-month rate (annualized) has come down from 9.0% as of January to 8.1% now.  The 3-month rate is now 7.2%, the 2-month rate is 6.0%, and the 1-month rate is 5.2% (all annualized).

This suggests that the pace of inflation in shelter costs will be declining. There will certainly be bumps up and down, and given how rents are determined, the process will be a slow one.  It built up over a two-year period (from early 2021 to early 2023) and might well take a similar period of time to come down.  There will also certainly be ups and downs in what will happen to other prices in the CPI, especially for food and energy.

But for several months now, what has been driving the CPI above the Fed target of 2% has solely been the cost of shelter.  With increases in the cost of shelter now moderating, while the non-shelter components of the CPI are already at the rates seen prior to 2020, what we are now seeing in the rates for the overall CPI basically reflect the time lags that result from long-term rental contracts.