Why Voters Are Upset 2: The Proximate Causes of the Underperformance of the US Economy Since the 2008 Crash

Chart 1

A.  Introduction

The previous post on this blog described the slowdown in US growth since the 2008 crash.  GDP fell sharply in the second half of that year – the last year of the Bush administration – due to the crisis in home mortgages leading to a broad collapse in the financial markets.  It led to what has been termed the “Great Recession”.  But unlike in past recessions, GDP never recovered to its previous trend path, even though the unemployment rate fell to lows not seen since the 1960s.  GDP remains well below that previous path today.  The chart above shows how that gap opened up and has persisted since 2008.

The question is why?  The unemployment rate had averaged 4.6% in 2007 – the last full year before the 2008/09 economic and financial collapse.  While the pace of the recovery from the collapse was slowed by federal budget cuts, the economy eventually did return to full employment.  The unemployment rate was at or below 5% in Obama’s last year in office and then continued on the same downward path during the first three years of the Trump administration.  It averaged 3.9% in 2018 and 3.7% in 2019, and hit a low of 3.5% in September 2019.  After the brief but sharp 2020 Covid crisis, the unemployment rate then went even lower under Biden, reaching a low of just 3.4% in April 2023 and averaging just 3.6% in 2022 and again in 2023.  The unemployment rate has not been this low for so long since the 1960s.

In prior times, GDP would have returned to the path it had been on once the economy had recovered to full employment, with resources (in particular labor resources) being fully utilized.  But this time, despite unemployment going even lower than it had been before the downturn, GDP remained far below the path it had been on.  By 2023, real GDP would have been almost 20% above where it in fact was, had it returned to the previous path.  That is not a small difference.

That is, while the economy recovered from the 2008 collapse – in the sense that it returned to the full utilization of the labor and other resources available to it – economic output (real GDP) with that full utilization of resources was stubbornly below (and remained stubbornly below) what it would have been had it returned to its prior growth path.  The economy had followed that path since at least the late 1960s (as seen in the chart above).  Indeed, that same growth path (in per capita terms) can be dated back to 1950 (as the previous post on this blog showed).

This post will examine the proximate factors that led to this.  The post will look first at the growth in available labor.  It has slowed since 2008.  This has not been due to a fall in the labor force participation rates of the various age groups, as some have posited.  We will see below that holding those participation rates constant at what they were in 2007 (for each of the major age groups) would not have had a significant effect on labor force totals.  Rather, labor force growth slowed in part simply because the growth in the overall population slowed, and in part due to demographic shifts:  A growing share of the adult population has been moving into their normal retirement years.  It is not a coincidence that the first of the Baby Boom generation (those born in 1946) turned 62 in 2008 and 65 in 2011.

The second proximate factor is available capital – the machinery, equipment, and everything else that labor uses to produce output.  Capital comes from investment, and we will see below that net investment as a share of GDP has fallen sharply in the decades since the 1960s.  Overall net fixed investment fell by more than half.  This led to a slowdown in capital growth, and especially so after 2008.  There was an especially sharp reduction in public investment.  Since 2008, net public investment as a share of GDP has been only one-quarter of what it was in the 1960s.  It should be no surprise why public infrastructure is so embarrassingly bad in the US.  And net residential investment (as a share of GDP) is only one-third of what it was in the 1960s.  The resulting housing shortage should not be a surprise.

The third proximate factor is productivity.  Labor working with the available capital leads to output.  How much depends on the productivity of the machinery, equipment, and other assets that make up the capital, and that productivity grows over time as technology develops and is incorporated into the machinery and equipment used.  We will see that the rate of growth in productivity fell significantly after 2008.  Given the reduction in net investment and the consequent slowdown in capital accumulation after 2008, it is not surprising that productivity growth also slowed.

For a rough estimate of the relative importance of these three factors – labor, capital, and productivity – I developed an extremely simple Cobb-Douglas production function model to simulate what could be expected.  Despite being simple, it turned out to work surprisingly well both in terms of tracking what actual GDP was (for given employment levels) and in tracking the trend path for GDP given the trend paths of labor, capital, and productivity.

As noted above, the trend level of GDP in 2023 was almost 20% above what GDP actually was in that year – a year when unemployment was at record lows.  Despite being at full employment, the economy was not producing more.  Based on the Cobb-Douglas model, roughly a quarter of the shortfall can be attributed to a slowdown in productivity growth from 2007 onwards.  Of the remaining shortfall, about 60% can be attributed to a smaller stock of capital and 40% to a smaller labor force (both relative to what they would have been had they continued on the same trend paths that they had followed before 2008).

Section B of this post will examine the labor force figures.  Section C will look at what has happened to investment and the resulting growth in available capital.  Section D will then examine the Cobb-Douglas model used to estimate the relative importance of labor and capital both growing more slowly than they had before and the impact of slower productivity growth.  Section E will conclude.

As noted above, labor growth has slowed due to demographic changes as population growth has slowed and as the population has aged.  A rising share of the population (specifically the Baby Boomers) have been moving into their normal retirement years, and this has led to a slower rate of growth in the labor force.  There is nothing wrong with this, it depends primarily on personal choices, and there is no real policy issue here.

In contrast, there are important policy issues to examine on why investment has fallen in recent decades – and especially since 2008 – with the resulting slower rate of capital accumulation as well as slower productivity growth.  But the causes of this are complex, and will not be examined here.  I hope to address them in a subsequent post on this blog.

[Note on the data:  In each chart, I used the most detailed data available for that particular data series, i.e. monthly when available (labor force statistics), quarterly (real GDP), or annual (capital accumulation). The data are current as of the date indicated for when they were downloaded, but some are subject to subsequent revision.]

B.  Growth in the Labor Force

Growth in the US labor force has slowed, but by how much, when did this start, and why?  We will examine this primarily through a series of charts.  Most of these charts will be shown with the vertical axis in logarithms.  As you may remember from your high school math, in such charts a straight line will reflect a constant rate of growth.  The slope of the lines will correspond to that rate of growth, with a steeper line indicating a faster rate of growth.

The trend lines in the charts here (including in the chart at the top of this post) have all been drawn based on what the trends appear to be (i.e. “by eyeball”) in the periods leading up to 2008.  They were not derived from some kind of statistical estimation, nor from a strict peak-to-peak connection, but rather were drawn based on what capacity appeared to be growing at over time.  They were also drawn independently for aggregate real GDP (Chart 1 above), for growth in the labor force (Chart 2 below) and for growth in net fixed assets (Chart 10 below).  Despite being independently drawn, we will see in Section D below that a very simple Cobb-Douglas model finds that they are consistent with each other to a surprising degree, in that the predicted GDP trend corresponds to and can be explained by the trends as drawn for labor and for capital.

Starting with the labor force:

Chart 2

The US labor force grew at a remarkably steady rate from the early 1980s up to 2008.  Prior to the 1980s, it grew at a faster pace (a trend line would be steeper) as women entered the labor force in large numbers and later as the Baby Boomers began to join the labor force in large numbers in the early 1970s.

But then that steady rise in the labor force (of about 1.3% per annum before 2008) decelerated sharply.  The growth rate fell to only 0.5% per year between 2007 and 2023.  Why?

We can start with overall population growth:

Chart 3

Population, too, had grown at a steady pace prior to 2008.  But population growth then slowed.  In this context, it is not surprising to see that growth in the labor force also slowed.

But there is more to it than just this.  Before 2008, the US population had been growing at a similar rate as the labor force, thus leading to a fairly constant share of the labor force in the population (generally in the range of 50 to 51%):

Chart 4

But then, in 2008, the share of the labor force in the US population fell.  Growth in the labor force slowed by more than growth in the US population.  What were the factors behind that?

One assertion that is often made is that labor force participation rates fell.  At an aggregate level this is, almost by definition, true.  As a share of the US adult population (those aged 16 and over), the labor force participation rate fell from 66.0% in 2007 to 62.6% in 2023 (using standard BLS figures).  But one can be misled by focusing on the aggregate participation rate.  The overall participation rate came down not because those in various age groups became less likely to join the labor force, but rather because an increasing share of the population was aging into their normal retirement years.

The BLS provides seasonally adjusted figures for the labor force broken into three age groups: those aged 16 to 24, those aged 25 to 54, and those aged 55 or more.  Labor force participation rates are provided for each of these three groups, and one can calculate what the labor force participation would have been for each had the participation rate always been at that of 2007:

Chart 5

The line in red shows what the labor force then would have been, with the line in blue showing the actual labor force and the line in black the trend (the same trend as in Chart 2 above).  While it would have made a significant difference before the 1980s (as women were not participating in the formal labor force to the same degree then), between 2008 and 2023 it makes very little difference.  The labor force would have still fallen by about the same figures relative to its previous trend.

Rather, the labor force has been aging, with a growing share of the population now in the normal retirement years when labor force participation rates are low.  From the BLS numbers, one can work out the share of the population that are age 55 or older:

Chart 6

The share in the population of those aged 55 or older started to turn sharply upward around 1998.  They thus would have been 65 or older starting around 2008.  And as noted before, this is also when the first of the Baby Boomers (those born in 1946) would have started to reach their normal retirement age.

[Side note:  The discontinuities that one sees at various points in this chart are there because of adjustments made by the BLS in their control totals.  They adjust these control totals once new results are available from the decennial US population censuses.  They need such control totals for the shares of the various demographic groups since the labor force estimates come from its Current Population Survey (CPS), and as with any survey, control totals are needed to generalize from the sample survey results.  But the BLS does not then revise prior CPS estimates once the control totals are updated with each decennial census.  That then leads to these discontinuities.  For our purposes here, those discontinuities are not important.]

Labor force growth thus slowed from 2008 onwards.  This can be explained by basic demographics with an aging population.  This was not due to less willingness to participate in the labor force – an assertion one often sees.  Holding participation rates constant at what they were in 2007 for just three broad age groups led to no significant difference in what the labor force would have been.  Rather, people are just aging into their normal retirement years.

C.  Growth in Capital

Labor works with machinery, equipment, structures, and other fixed assets – which together will be referred to as simply capital – to produce output.  Those assets also reflect the technology that was available and economic (in terms of cost) when they were installed.  Those assets are acquired by investment, and it is important to recognize that net investment has fallen sharply over the last several decades.

This is not often recognized, as most analysts and news reports focus not on net investment but rather on gross investment.  Gross investment figures are provided in the GDP accounts that are released each month, and gross investment as a share of GDP has not varied all that much.  The decade-long averages for gross private fixed investment have varied only between 16 and 18 1/2% of GDP since the 1960s.

But the accumulated stock of capital does not arise simply out of gross investment but rather out of investment net of depreciation – i.e. net investment.  Less attention is paid to net investment figures, and estimating depreciation is not easy.  It is certainly not depreciation as defined by tax law, as tax law as written reflects a deliberate attempt to encourage investment by allowing firms to declare depreciation to be greater than it actually is (e.g. through accelerated depreciation).  Assigning a higher cost to depreciation will reduce reported profit levels and hence reduce what needs to be paid in taxes on that profit income.

For the GDP accounts (NIPA accounts) the BEA needs to record what actual depreciation was, not what depreciation as allowed under the tax code may have been.  The BEA estimates of this are carefully done and are the best available.  However, one still needs to recognize that these are estimates and that there are both conceptual and data issues when estimates of depreciation are made.

Based on the BEA estimates in the NIPA accounts, both public and private net fixed investment levels – as shares of GDP – have fallen sharply since the 1960s:

Chart 7

There are significant year-to-year fluctuations in the shares – especially in the private investment figures – as investment varies significantly over the course of the business cycle.  It falls in recessions and increases when the economy recovers.  The trends may thus be more clearly seen using decade averages of the net investment shares:

Chart 8

Total public and private net fixed investment fell from over 10% of GDP in the 1960s (and almost as much in the 1950s) to just 4.2% of GDP in the period from 2009 to 2023 – a fall of close to 60%.  Total private net fixed investment fell from about 7% of GDP in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s, to just 3.4% since 2009 – a fall by half.  Public net fixed investment fell even more sharply:  from over 3% of GDP in the 1960s to just 0.8% of GDP in recent years – a reduction of three-quarters (in the figures before rounding).  It should be no surprise why public infrastructure is so embarrassingly poor in the US.

The chart also shows private net fixed investment broken down into the share for investment in residential assets (housing) and non-residential assets.  Much of the decline in private net fixed investment was driven by an especially sharp reduction in investment in housing. Still, private investment in assets other than housing has also been cut back substantially, with a reduction of over 40% compared to where it was in the 1980s.

Based on their net fixed investment estimates and other data, the BEA also provides estimates of how the accumulated stock of real fixed capital has changed over time, with those levels shown in terms of quantity indices.  The resulting rates of growth in accumulated capital (which the BEA refers to, more precisely, as the net stock of fixed assets) have declined sharply with the reductions in the net investment shares:

Chart 9

In the 1960s, the annual growth rates varied between 3.5% (for residential fixed assets) and 4.4% (for public fixed assets).  But in the period from 2009 to 2023 those growth rates had fallen to just 1.9% for private non-residential fixed assets, 1.1% for public fixed assets, 0.8% for residential fixed assets, and 1.3% for all fixed assets.  Such a slow rate of capital accumulation will not be supportive of robust growth.

The reductions in the growth rates were especially sharp following the 2008 crisis.  This led capital accumulation to fall well below the trend path that it had previously been on:

Chart 10

As was the case for growth in the labor force, there is again a substantial fall after 2008 in the growth of an important factor in production relative to its previous trend.  This time it is accumulated capital.  It should not be surprising that this slowdown in the growth of both available labor and capital would then be accompanied by a slowdown in the growth of GDP – all relative to their previous trends.  But an open question is how much of the close to 20% shortfall in GDP as of 2023 was due to labor, how much to capital, and how much to the productivity of labor working with the available capital?  This will be examined in the next section.

D.  Modeling GDP:  The Relative Importance of Labor, Capital, and Productivity to the Shortfall

Output (GDP) has fallen relative to the path it was on before – and a 20% shortfall is a lot – as have both the size of the labor force and of accumulated capital.  To estimate how much of the shortfall in GDP can be attributed to the shortfall of labor, how much to the shortfall of capital, and how much to a slowdown in the growth in productivity of that labor and capital, one needs a model.

For this analysis, I used the extremely simple but standard model of production called the Cobb-Douglas.  Its formulation is credited to Paul Douglas (an economist) and Charles Cobb (a mathematician) in 1927, although Douglas recognized and acknowledged that a number of economists before them had worked with a similar relationship.  While extremely simple, it allows us to arrive at an estimate of how much of the shortfall in GDP can be attributed to labor, how much to capital, and how much to a change in productivity growth.  Despite being simple, there was a good fit when the model was tested for its predictions of GDP against what GDP actually was historically.  There was also a very surprisingly good fit against whether the trend growth in GDP was close to what the model predicted based on the trend growth observed for labor and for capital.

The Cobb-Douglas production function is an equation that relates what output (real GDP) would be for given levels of labor and capital as inputs.  The following subsection will provide a brief overview of that equation and of the parameters used.  Those who prefer to avoid equations can skip over this section and go directly to subsection (b) below, where the model was tested via a comparison of the model’s predicted values for GDP to what GDP actually was, both year-by-year and in its trend.

a)  The Cobb-Douglas Equation and Parameters 

The Cobb-Douglas production function can be written as:

Y = A(1+r)tLβK1−β

where Y is real GDP, L is labor, K is capital as measured, r is a rate of growth for the increase in productivity over time (t), A is a scaling factor, and β is an exponent indicating how much output (Y) will increase for a given percentage increase in L as an input.  With constant returns to scale (which is generally assumed), the exponent for K will then be 1- β.  They will also match (under the assumptions of this model) the shares in national income of labor and capital, respectively.  In the NIPA accounts for 2023, the compensation of employees was 62% of national income.  All other income (e.g. basically various forms of profit) was 38% of national income.  I rounded these to just a 60 / 40 split, so β = 0.60 and 1-β = 0.40.

Productivity will grow over time.  That is, the output that can be generated for a given amount of labor and of capital will grow over time.  As technology changes and is reflected in the accumulated stock of capital, labor working with the available machinery and equipment will be able to produce more.  While the contribution of the growth in productivity can be incorporated into the Cobb-Douglas in various different ways, the simplest is to assume that it augments the combination of labor and capital together.  This growth in productivity can then also be referred to as the growth in Total Factor Productivity (TFP).

For the simulations here, I took the year 2007 (the last full year before the 2008 collapse) as the base period, and hence scaled the labor and capital inputs in proportion to what they were in 2007.  Thus they were both set to the value of 1.00 in 2007, and if they were then, say, 10% higher in some future year they would have a value of 1.10 in that year.  The scaling coefficient A would then be equal to real GDP in 2007 ($16,762.4 billion in terms of 2017 constant $).

Finally, the rate of TFP growth was set so that GDP as modeled would roughly track what the actual values for GDP were historically.  It turned out that an annual rate of growth in TFP of 1.20% worked well for the years leading up to 2007, with this then falling to 0.90% per year in the years following 2007 up to and including 2023.  I did not try to fine-tune this to any greater precision (i.e. I looked at annual TFP growth to the nearest 0.1% and not more finely, i.e. to 1.20% or 1.30% but not to 1.21%).  I also constrained the TFP growth to be at just one given rate for all of the years before 2007 (1.20%) and one rate after 2007 (0.90%), even though it is certainly conceivable that it could fluctuate over time.

b)  Comparison of GDP as Modeled by the Cobb-Douglas versus Actual and Trend GDP

The Cobb-Douglas just provides a model, and the first question to address is whether that model appears to track what we know about the economy.  There were two tests to look at:  1)  how well it tracked actual GDP as a function of actual labor employed and capital (net fixed assets), and 2)  how well the model tracked the trend line for GDP growth (as drawn in Chart 1 at the top of this post) as a function of the trend line as drawn for the labor force (Chart 2) and the trend line as drawn for capital (Chart 10).  Keep in mind that these trend lines were drawn independently and “by eyeball” based on what appeared to fit best in the decades leading up to 2008.

This chart shows how well the modeled GDP tracked actual historical GDP:

Chart 11

The line in black shows what actual real GDP was in each year from 1959 to 2023.  The line in red shows what the simple Cobb-Douglas model predicted real GDP would be in each year with the parameters as discussed above and with the labor input based on actual employment in that year rather than the available labor force.  The capital input is always available net fixed assets (as an index, which is all we need for the relative changes), as estimated by the BEA for the NIPA accounts (shown in Chart 10 above).

The line in red for the modeled GDP tracks well the line in black of actual GDP, especially from about the early 1980s onwards.  A reduction in the growth rate for TFP in the years prior to 1980 would have led it to track the earlier years better, but I did not want to try to “fine-tune” the TFP rate.  My main interest is in how well predicted GDP tracks actual GDP over the last several decades.  Over this period, a simple Cobb-Douglas with fixed parameters and with TFP growth of 1.20% for the years before 2007 and 0.90% in the years since, tracked quite well.  And this was over a period when GDP grew from just $7.3 trillion in 1980 (in 2017 constant $) to $22.7 trillion in 2023 – more than tripling.

A second test is whether something close to the GDP trend line (as drawn in Chart 1 at the top of this post) will be generated by the Cobb-Douglas model when the labor force grows on its trend line (as drawn in Chart 2) and capital grows on its trend line (as drawn in Chart 10).  Each of these trend lines were drawn independently and “by eyeball”.

The answer is that it does, and to an astonishing degree.  This may have been the case in part by luck or coincidence, but regardless, was extremely close.  The line for GDP as predicted from the Cobb-Douglas model using labor and capital inputs that each followed their own trend lines, was so close to the GDP trend line that they were on top of each other in the chart and could not be distinguished.

One should keep in mind that, by construction, the predicted GDP in 2007 from the Cobb-Douglas model will be equal to actual GDP in that year.  The scaling factor was set that way.  But the question being examined is whether the predicted GDP (based on the labor and capital trend lines) would drift away from the trend line for GDP (as drawn) over time.  It did not.  Calculating it back over a 60-year period (i.e. equivalent to going back to 1947 from the 2007 base), the predicted GDP was only 0.7% greater than what GDP on the drawn trend line would have been 60 years before.

This is tiny, and indeed so tiny that I at first thought it might be a mistake.  But after simulating what would have been generated by various alternative parameters for the Cobb-Douglas, as well as alternative trend paths for labor and capital, the calculations were confirmed.  The implication is that the trend lines for GDP, labor, and capital – while independently drawn – are consistent with each other and with this simple Cobb-Douglas framework.

The rate of productivity growth – TFP growth – for the years leading up to 2007 was 1.20%.  It was derived, as noted above, by trying various alternatives and seeing which appeared to fit best with the figures for actual GDP in those years.  Going forward from 2007, however, it would have over-predicted what GDP would have been.  What fit well with the data on actual GDP (and based on actual employment and available net fixed assets) was a reduction in the TFP rate from the 1.20% used for the years up to 2007 to a rate of 0.90% for the years after.

The resulting path for actual GDP versus the path as modeled by the Cobb-Douglas can be more clearly seen in the following chart.  It is the same as Chart 11, but now only for the period from 2000 to 2023:

Chart 12

The red line shows the path for the simulated GDP, where from 2007 onwards the assumed TFP growth rate was 0.90%.  The fit is very good, and especially in 2022 and 2023 – the years of most interest to us – when the simulated GDP (from the Cobb-Douglas) is almost identical to actual GDP.  These are both well below the path (the green line) that would have been followed based on the previous trend growth in labor and capital, as well as the continuation of productivity growth at a 1.20% rate rather than falling to 0.90%.

c)  The Causes of the Below Trend Growth of GDP Since 2008

From this simple Cobb-Douglas model, we can try various simulations of what growth in GDP might have been had the labor force continued to grow at the rate it had before 2008, had capital continued to grow at the rate it had before 2008, and had productivity (TFP) continued to grow at the rate it had before 2008.

The results are shown in the following chart:

Chart 13

The resulting paths for GDP are shown as a ratio to what actual GDP was in each year, with the differences expressed in percentage points.  By definition, there will be no difference for actual GDP, so it is a flat line (in black) with a zero difference in each year.  The line in red then shows what the modeled GDP was in each year in terms of the percentage point difference with actual GDP, using actual labor employed in each year and available capital.  The red line shows at most a 2 percentage point difference with actual GDP – and no difference at all in 2022 and 2023.  The model tracks actual GDP well when the labor input is equal to observed employment.

The line in blue then shows what GDP would have been (according to the model) had capital growth continued after 2007 along its pre-2008 trend path (the path drawn in Chart 10 above) while labor grew at the actual rate of employment.  It shows how much the shortfall in GDP was as a consequence of capital accumulation slowing down from 2008 onwards.  As seen in the chart, the impact of this slowdown has grown over time.

The line in orange shows what GDP would have been had labor growth continued after 2007 on its pre-2008 trend path (the path drawn in Chart 2 above), while capital grew not along its trend but rather as measured.  Here one needs to take into account that the growth rate of actual employment and the growth rate of the labor force will only match between periods when the unemployment rate was the same.  Thus comparisons should be limited to periods when the economy was close to full employment, such as between 2007 (when unemployment averaged 4.6%), 2016 to 2019 (annual unemployment rates of 4.9% to 3.7%), and 2022/23 (annual unemployment rates of 3.6%).  That is, the “peaks” seen in the orange line in 2009 and again in 2020 are not significant, as they reflect labor not being fully used.  This was not because the labor force was not available but rather due to the disruptions of the downturns in those years.

The line in burgundy then shows what GDP would have been (in terms of its percentage point difference with actual GDP) had both labor and capital inputs continued to grow (and been used) on their pre-2008 trend paths.  Note that the values here will not be the simple addition of the percentage point contributions of the slower than trend growth of the labor force and the slower than trend growth of capital.  The Cobb-Douglas relationship is a multiplicative one, not a linear one.  But if one does multiply out the two (the blue and orange lines, but as ratios rather than percentage points), and adjust for the model’s tracking error (the red line), one will get the impact of the two together (the burgundy line).

Finally, there is the impact of the slowdown in TFP growth from 1.20% per year before 2007 to 0.90% after.  That will appear as the difference between what GDP would have been had it followed the previous trend path (the green line in the chart) and the impact of labor and capital both slowing down from their respective trends (the burgundy line).  Its impact grows steadily larger over time.

Based on these simulations, as of 2023 approximately 25% of the shortfall in GDP relative to what it would have been had it continued on its pre-2008 trend can be attributed to a fall in the rate of productivity growth (TFP) from 1.20% to 0.90%.  Of the remaining shortfall, approximately 60% was due to the slowdown in investment and hence capital accumulation, and approximately 40% was due to the slowdown in the growth of the labor force.  Or put another way (and keeping in mind that the impacts are not linearly additive, but only approximately so), of the total shortfall in 2023, about 70% was due to the slowdown in productivity growth together with the related slowdown in capital growth, and about 30% was due to the slowdown in labor force growth.

But these figures are for 2023 and will shift over time.  Going forward, and unless something is done to change things, the shortfall in GDP (its deviation from the pre-2008 trend) will be widening, and the shortfall in capital accumulation (due to the fall in investment as a share of GDP) plus the related reduction in productivity growth, can be expected to account for an increasing share of this increasing shortfall in GDP.  These already accounted for about 70% of the shortfall in 2023, and on current patterns that share will grow in the coming years.

E.  Conclusion

GDP fell sharply in the economic and financial collapse that began in the second half of 2008.  But while there was a recovery, with employment eventually returning to full employment levels, GDP never returned to the path it had previously been on.  This was new.  In prior recessions (as seen in Chart 1 at the top of this post), GDP was back close to its earlier path once employment had recovered to full employment levels.  As a consequence, by 2023 GDP would have been close to 20% higher than what it was had GDP returned to its previous path.  And 20% higher GDP is huge.  In terms of current GDP in current prices, that is close to $6 trillion of increased output and incomes each year.  Total federal government spending on everything is about $7 trillion currently.

The proximate causes of this can be broken down into three.  First, the labor force began to grow at a slower rate in the years following 2008.  This was not due to labor force participation rates falling for individual age groups.  Rather, this in part reflected a slowdown in the growth of the overall US population (and to this extent, will then be offset when GDP is looked at in per capita terms).  But in addition, there was the impact of an aging population, with the Baby Boom generation entering into their normal retirement years.

In policy terms, there is not much one can or should want to do about labor force growth.  Population growth is what it is, and an aging population will see an increasing share of the population moving into their retirement years.  These all reflect personal choices.

In contrast, the slowdown in investment and the resulting slowdown in capital accumulation and productivity growth is a policy question that merits a careful review.  Why are firms investing less now than they did before?  Profits (especially after-tax profits) are at record highs and the stock market is booming.  In a market economy where firms are avidly competing with each other, this should have led to an increase – not a decrease – in net investment.

A future post in this series will examine the factors behind this.  But first, a post will examine the specific case of residential investment.  Net residential investment fell especially sharply after 2008 (see Charts 8 and 9 above), while home prices have shot up.  Housing is important, and its rising cost has been the source of much displeasure in recent years by those who do not own a home and must rent.  The rising cost of housing is the primary (indeed, the only) reason why the CPI inflation index remains above the Fed’s target of 2%.  It merits its own review.

Larry Hogan’s Purple Line Fiasco: A Case Study in Poor Judgment, Poor Management, and Poor Decision-Making

Paris Metro Line 14 Tunnel:

 

Maryland Purple Line Light Rail – Route adjacent to roadway:

A.  Introduction

Few dispute that the management of the Purple Line project has been a fiasco.  Construction costs that are now well more than double what they were in the original contract and a forecast ten years (at least) for construction rather than the originally planned five, are just two of the more obvious problems with what has been a poorly planned and managed project.  As the governor of Maryland at the time, Larry Hogan signed the contracts that launched the project (and then the contracts that re-launched the project when the initial contractor walked away), and must bear responsibility for the consequences.

The Purple Line is a 16.2 mile light rail line that will arc north and east outside of Washington, DC, through the Maryland suburbs from Bethesda on the west to New Carrollton on the east.  It was supposed to be built at a fixed price in what was called an “innovative” PPP (Public-Private-Partnership) contract, where the risk of any cost overruns was to be the responsibility of the private concessionaire.  That has not been the case.

The cost – even the original cost – is also high for what the State of Maryland is getting.  The Purple Line is a relatively simple and straightforward light rail line of two parallel tracks built mostly at ground level, along existing roadways or over what had previously been public parks.  Yet, as we will see below, its cost per mile is comparable to that of a heavy rail line recently completed in Paris.  That rail line – a major extension of Line 14 of the Paris Metro – is entirely in tunnels and has a capacity to handle more than 14 times the number of passengers the Purple Line is being built to carry.  The photos at the top of this post show a portion of Paris’s new Line 14 in comparison to the simple tracks along the side of the road of the Purple Line.

The high cost of the Purple Line is, however, only one aspect of a terribly mismanaged program.  Despite years, indeed decades, to prepare, there have been repeated delays by the Maryland Transit Authority (MTA, part of the Maryland Department of Transportation – MDOT) in fulfilling its design and other responsibilities.  This increased what were already high costs.  The MTA has been responsible for the supervision of the contract, the basic design work, as well as the acquisition of the required land parcels along the right-of-way and arranging for the movement of utility lines along that right-of-way.  It has repeatedly failed to complete this on a timely basis, leading to delays in the work the construction contractor could do and consequent higher costs.

This led the original contractor responsible for the work to walk away, where a poorly designed PPP contract made that easy for them to do as they had little equity invested in the project.  The total now being paid by the State of Maryland for the construction phase of the project is $4.5 billion – an increase of $2.5 billion over the originally contracted cost of $2.0 billion.  And that is assuming there will be no further increases in the cost, which has happened multiple times already.  The time required to build what should have been a relatively straightforward project is also now expected to be ten years – if it is completed under the current schedule in late 2027 – rather than the originally scheduled five.

Then Governor Hogan sought to blame a citizen lawsuit opposed to the project for these delays and higher costs.  But that is nonsense.  The lawsuit argued that the project had not been adequately prepared, and the judge agreed, putting a hold on the start of construction for the project while calling for the State of Maryland to undertake further work on the justification for the project.  The judicial order was issued in August 2016, construction had been scheduled to start in October 2016, and then started instead in August 2017 after the appeals court decided that deference should be given to the State of Maryland on this matter.  The construction contractor, in their formal letter stating they would withdraw from the project, said this delayed the start of construction by 266 calendar days:  less than nine months.  That cannot account for an extra five years (i.e. ten years rather than five) to build the project from when construction began in 2017.

Indeed, if anything the extra nine months provided to the MTA to prepare the project should have reduced – rather than lengthened – the time required to build the project.  The MTA continued to work on the design of the project, as well as on the land acquisition and utility work needed, during the nine months when construction was on hold.  Yet despite that extra nine months to prepare, the MTA was still not able to keep up with the schedule.  The letter of May 2020 formally notifying the MTA that the original construction firm intended to withdraw stated:

“MTA was late in providing nearly every ROW [right-of-way] parcel out of the original 600+ parcels it was required to acquire … by more than two years in some cases”.

Construction obviously cannot begin on some portion of the line until they have the land to do it on, yet the MTA was consistently late in providing this despite the extra 9 months they had due to the judicial order.

And those MTA delays have continued.  Under the revised contract for the new construction firm, compensation is paid for any further delays resulting from the MTA not fulfilling its responsibilities.  Payments from the State of Maryland have been made twice under that provision – in July 2023 and in March 2024 – totaling $563 million thus far.  That is equal to 29% of what was supposed to be the original cost of building the entire rail line.

The problems have not been just with the construction.  There were major problems also with the assessments that were done to determine whether the project was the best use of scarce funds to serve the transit needs of these communities.  Issues in two key areas illustrate this.   One was with the forecasts made of what the ridership on the Purple Line might be (where expected ridership is fundamental to any decision on how best to serve transit needs, what the capacity of that service should be, and whether the expected ridership can justify the costs).  The second was the assessment of the economic impacts to be expected from the project.

But a close examination of the work done on those two key issues often shows absurd results that are simply impossible – mathematically impossible in some cases.  I have looked at this in prior posts on this blog (see here and here), and will only summarize below some of the key findings from those analyses.  The official assessments of whether the Purple Line was warranted were simply not serious.  A moderately competent but neutral professional could have pointed out the errors.  But none was evidently consulted.

As the governor at the time, Larry Hogan was responsible for the decision to proceed with the project.  While there is no expectation that he should have undertaken any kind of technical review himself of whether the project could be justified, he should have insisted that such assessments be made and that they be honest.  And he should have listened to neutral professionals on the adequacy of the assessments.

Rather, it appears Maryland state staff were expected to approach the issue not to determine whether the Purple Line was justified, but instead to find a way to justify a decision that had already been made and then to get it built.

Staff were especially praised by then Governor Hogan in 2022 when the contract was re-negotiated with a new construction firm (at a far higher cost than the original contract – see below).  As recorded in the transcript of the meeting of the Maryland Board of Public Works in January 2022 at which the new contract with the concessionaire was approved, Governor Hogan said:

“So I’m very proud of the team that in spite of incredible — it’s a huge project and it has incredible obstacles. But they have kept pushing, you know, moving the ball forward no matter how many times there was a setback from outside. It’s not the fault of anyone in any of these positions. They kept moving.”

Indeed, the more costly the project became, and thus the less justifiable it was as a use of scarce public funds, the more the staff were praised for their skill in nonetheless being able to keep pushing it forward.

To be fair, Governor Hogan was not the first Maryland governor to favor building the Purple Line.  Governor O’Malley, his predecessor and a Democrat, favored it as well.  But Governor Hogan made the final decision to proceed when the high cost was clear.  He signed the PPP contract and he is ultimately responsible.

Hogan is now running to represent Maryland in the US Senate as a Republican.  Should he win, he could very well represent the key vote to give Republicans control over what is expected to be a closely divided Senate.  While Hogan has stated he will not personally vote for Donald Trump to be president, that is not the vote of Hogan that will matter.  Rather, a Republican-controlled US Senate – possibly as a consequence of Hogan’s vote for a Republican as the Leader – could allow Trump, should he become president, to carry through his radical program with his openly stated aim of revenge.  Senate approval of Trump’s judicial and other appointees could also then be easily granted.  And if Harris should win the presidency, a Republican-controlled Senate could block much of what she would seek to achieve.

The experience with the Purple Line provides a good basis for assessing Hogan’s judgment.  It merits a review.  We will examine below first what the Purple Line is costing to build, starting with the original 2016 contract and through to now.  The line is not yet finished so the costs may rise even further, but we will examine the contracted costs as they stand now.

The section following will then compare those costs to the cost per mile of building a major extension to the Paris Metro Line 14 heavy rail subway line.  That extension was recently opened (in June 2024, just prior to the Paris Olympics this past summer), so we have good figures on what the cost was.  It was built entirely as a tunnel – which would be expected to be far more expensive than laying rails at ground level – and has a capacity to carry more than 14 times the number of passengers the Purple Line has been designed for.  But its cost per mile is only about a third more.  The cost per unit of capacity is more than ten times higher for the Purple Line than for the new Paris Metro line.

Sections will then briefly review the problems in the analyses of forecast Purple Line ridership and of its economic impacts.  These have been covered in previous posts on this blog, so only the highlights will be summarized here.  Finally, issues with the design of the PPP contract and the incentives it created will be briefly reviewed, along with Maryland governance issues.

B.  The Purple Line’s Construction Cost

1)  Cost

The cost of the Purple Line PPP contract first to build and then to operate this light rail line is summarized in the following table, with figures both for the original contract (signed in 2016) and for the contract as it stands now (most recently amended in March 2024):

Purple Line Cost
   in $ millions

Original Contract

New Contract

$ Increase

% Increase

A. Construction Costs $1,971.9 $4,467.8 $2,495.9 126.6%
Design-Build Contract $1,971.9 $3,435.8 $1,463.9
Settlement    $250.0    $250.0
MTA supervised work    $218.7    $218.7
Compensation for MTA Delays: July 2023 *    $148.3    $148.3
Compensation for MTA Delays: March 2024 *    $415.0    $415.0
B.  Operational Period $2,306.0 $2,613.7    $307.7 13.3%
Operations & Maintenance $1,744.3 $1,977.2     $232.9
Insurance    $272.6     $340.6      $68.0
Capital Renewal    $289.1    $295.9         $6.8
C.  Financing Costs (as of Feb 2022) $1,312.0 $2,765.8 $1,453.8 110.8%
Overall Total Cost (as of March 2024) $5,589.9 $9,847.3 $4,257.4 76.2%

*  Includes an unspecified amount for financing costs.

Sources:  MDOT Briefing prepared for Maryland Legislature, February 2022, and Board of Public Works Agenda, March 13, 2024

These figures do not include all the costs of the Purple Line, but rather just the costs covered under the PPP contract with the private concessionaire.  Thus the figures here exclude associated projects, such as the cost to connect the Purple Line station in Bethesda to the nearby Metro station (at a cost currently estimated to be $130.4 million), and the cost to restore what had been a tunnel for walkers and bikers at what will now be the Purple Line Bethesda station (at a cost currently estimated to be $82.5 million, although there is a good chance this promised restoration will be canceled).

More significantly although difficult to estimate, there have also been the direct costs incurred by MTA for both its staff and the consulting firms it contracted as the Purple Line project was designed, assessed, and now supervised.  The then Maryland Secretary of Transportation Pete Rahn had indicated in a court filing in 2017 that those costs over the years were already at that time at least $200 million.  They would be significantly higher now.  There have also been the costs covered directly by both the state and county governments and by other entities for some share of the road and utility work necessitated by the placement of the Purple Line.

And while less easy to estimate in dollar value, they should also have recognized that there has been the cost of taking over what had previously been parkland for use now as a rail line.  No compensation was paid for that parkland.  Had this been a World Bank funded project, the entities responsible for the project would have been required to acquire a similar acreage of land of a similar nature and relatively close by as an offset to the parkland lost to the project.  It does not appear there was ever any consideration given to acquiring such an offset, possibly because it would have been expensive.  But this loss of parkland for the rail line should still be recognized as a cost.

The overall costs of the Purple Line are therefore substantially higher than just the costs reflected in the PPP contract with the concessionaire.  But we will focus only on the costs of that contract.

The original PPP contract was approved and signed in the Spring of 2016.  The table above shows the costs of what would be covered under that contract broken down for both the construction period and then the subsequent 30 years of operation.  But it was just one unified contract for all of those costs.  While there would be certain payments made during the period of construction as various milestones were reached, the bulk of the payments would be made by the State of Maryland on a monthly basis once the line was operational.  These are called “availability payments” as the State of Maryland is obliged to make those payments as long as the Purple Line is available to be operated.  And those payments will be the same regardless of ridership; they must be made in the set amounts even if no riders show up.

The original construction firms responsible for the actual building of the Purple Line (primarily Fluor Enterprises – a large Texas construction firm – with two smaller partners) decided in 2020 that, due primarily to the frequent delays and other issues that arose after construction began in 2017, they would abandon the project unless compensated for the resulting costs.  As noted above, they explained that MTA was late (and as much as two years late – with this at a point where construction had been underway for only two and a half years) in delivering almost all of the more than 600 land parcels they needed to build the line.

They filed a claim for $800 million in additional payments from Maryland for the extra costs they had incurred, but Maryland refused and decided instead to seek a new construction firm to complete the project.  A negotiated settlement was eventually reached where the State of Maryland agreed to pay $250 million to the original construction firms for their additional costs, with the firms then leaving the project.

In early 2022 Maryland reached an agreement with the concessionaire on a new construction firm (with Dragagdos, of Spain, as the lead contractor), at a new cost of $3.4 billion for the rail line.  See the table above.  To this one needs to add $250 million for the settlement payment to Fluor and its partners, plus $219 million for construction work by the numerous sub-contractors that had been working on the project in 2020 when Fluor left, and which the MTA then supervised directly in order for the work to continue.

The State of Maryland has since agreed to provide the Purple Line concessionaire two additional payments – of $148 million approved in July 2023 and of $415 million approved in March 2024 – as compensation for the extra costs the concessionaire incurred as a consequence of continued delays in the MTA fulfilling its responsibilities under the project.  Such MTA delays was the issue that frustrated Fluor.  It appears that Dragados was careful in the new, 2022, contract to ensure there was a clear formula for what it would be compensated for the costs arising from such delays.

Taken together, the overall cost of construction is now at $4.5 billion instead of the $2.0 billion in the original contract – an increase of $2.5 billion or 127%.  MTA staff were praised by Governor Hogan for their negotiation of this new contract, and there is no doubt they worked hard at it.  But one should question the wisdom of the decision to start over with a new contract when the original contractor (Fluor) had indicated it would continue if it were fairly compensated for the costs it incurred as a consequence of the MTA delays – primarily delays in receiving the cleared land parcels it needed before it could begin its work.  It asked for an additional $800 million (which could probably have been negotiated down by some amount), but even at the full $800 million, the total cost would have been $2.8 billion to complete the line.  Under the new contract, the cost will be $3.9 billion for this same work (i.e. the $4.5 billion cost less the later payments of $148 million and $415 million).

It is hard to see how the new contract at $3.9 billion represented a better deal for Maryland taxpayers when the original contractor would have continued if paid $2.8 billion.  It is $1.1 billion more.  Yet Governor Hogan praised MTA staff for their skill at arriving at what he praised as a well-negotiated new contract.

Section B of the table above shows the costs associated with the operating stage of the concession (the 30 years following the completion of construction).  They increased by a total of $308 million in the new contract.  This part of the original contract would not have changed had Maryland agreed to compensate the original construction contractors the extra $800 million requested (or some lower negotiated amount).  The actual cost of the new contract is therefore not just the $1.1 billion for the construction, but rather $1.4 billion when one takes into account the higher cost of what will be paid for the operation of the line.

Section C then provides a figure for what the total financing costs will sum to over the life of the concession.  These financing costs are the sum of the interest and other fees associated with the funds borrowed by the concessionaire for the project, as well as a return on its equity investment.  It is of interest to the State of Maryland as it will be paying these financing costs via the availability payments, in addition to the repayment of the principal on the loans (where that principal is already reflected in what is shown for the construction costs and should not be double-counted).

[Side note:  The additional payments of $148 million agreed in July 2023 and $415 million in March 2024 are primarily for additional construction costs, and have been included in that section of the cost table above.  But some unspecified share of each appears to include additional financing costs to cover the interest on what will be borrowed and then repaid only over the 30-year concession period via consequent higher availability payments.  However, a breakdown of those payments to show the financing portion was not provided by MTA staff at the Board of Public Works meetings (see here and here) that approved the additional spending commitments, and thus could not be shown here.]

The financing costs (as of the February 2022 contract) more than doubled between the old and the new contracts:  from $1.3 billion to $2.8 billion, or an increase of $1.5 billion.  This was not due to higher interest rates when the new contract was signed in early 2022 compared to what they were when the original contract was signed in 2016 (or finalized in 2017).  Interest rates were in fact similar in those two periods.  They had declined in 2019 and especially 2020 during the Covid crisis, and in early 2022 were roughly where they were in 2016 / 2017.

Rather, one needs to examine the funding structure.

2)  Funding 

The original funding structure and that as of the February 2022 new contract were:

Purple Line Funding
in $ millions

Original Contract

Shares

New Contract

Shares

A.  Federal Government $1,775.0 79.7% $2,706.0 67.7%
  Grant – New Starts Program    $900.0 40.4% $1,006.0 25.2%
  Loan – TIFIA    $875.0 39.3% $1,700.0 42.5%
B.  Tax-exempt Private Activity Bond    $313.0 14.1% $1,013.0 25.3%
C.  Private Equity    $138.0   6.2%    $280.0   7.0%
Total (incl. for working capital) $2,226.0 100.0% $3,999.0 100.0%
Sub-Total:  Borrowed funds only $1,326.0 59.6% $2,993.0 74.8%

Sources:  MDOT Presentation of April 2019, and MDOT Briefing of February 2022

Even though the Purple Line PPP was proclaimed to be a “privately-funded” project, the federal government in fact covered 80% of the original costs.  Half of this was as a straight grant, and half as a low interest loan under the federal TIFIA (Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act) program, which lends funds for such projects at an interest rate set equal to the funding costs of the federal government.  That is, funds under the TIFIA program basically pay the low US Treasury rate.

Under the revised contract signed in early 2022, there will only be a relatively minor increase in federal grant support: an additional $106 million that Maryland would have been able to use for a range of transportation projects but chose to give to the Purple Line.  Rather, the major increase in funding will be borrowed funds under the TIFIA program, with an increase to $1.7 billion from the prior $875 million.

More is also being borrowed through tax-exempt Private Activity Bonds, which enable the borrower for such projects to issue bonds that are exempt from Maryland state income taxes.  While Private Activity Bonds are granted exemption from Maryland income taxes because the investments are deemed to be in the public interest, the Maryland tax exemption is certainly appropriate here.  These are in essence State of Maryland borrowing obligations as Maryland will be repaying these bonds through the monthly availability payments to the concessionaire.  As of February 2022, MDOT stated that “new” Private Activity Bonds of $700 million would be issued.  While it is not fully clear from the MDOT presentation, it appears these new bonds are being counted in terms of the net increase in such bonds relative to those originally issued (as the originally issued bonds would be retired and replaced under the new contract). The equity stake was also increased to $280 million from the prior $138 million.

With the far higher construction costs ($3.9 billion as of February 2022) and the federal grant funding only modestly increased, there had to be far greater borrowing to cover the cost of the project.  That was the cause of the 111% increase in the financing costs, not (as some have asserted) higher interest rates in early 2022.  Indeed, the total funds borrowed for the project (including via equity) rose from $1,326 million in the original funding structure to $2,993 million in the new one – an increase of 126%.  This is even a bit more than the 111% increase in financing costs.

3)  Lack of Justification to Continue When the Higher Costs Became Clear

A critical question that should have been addressed when the far higher costs of the new concession contract became clear was whether there was a justification to continue with the project.  A project is an investment, and whether any investment is worthwhile depends on the relationship of its cost to its benefits.  At a low enough cost or high enough benefits, it may be a good use of funds.  But if the costs turn out to be substantially higher, or the benefits substantially lower, that may no longer be the case.  The issue therefore needs to be re-examined when there has been a substantial increase in costs.  But it does not appear it was ever seriously considered for the Purple Line.

Two questions should have been addressed by MTA staff and then considered by Governor Hogan in deciding whether to proceed.  One was whether at the new cost (which turned out to be $3.9 billion once the new bids became known, although with the possibility – and later the reality – that there could be further cost increases later), the rail line could be justified.  The second was whether given what had already been spent by that time on the project ($1.1 billion), was the further spending justified?  Treating the $1.1 billion as a sunk cost already lost, was it worth spending a further $2.8 billion on the project to cover the $3.9 billion cost of construction (minimum – assuming no further increases)?  One should also have taken into account that operating the line for the 30 years of the concession period would now also cost the state $300 million more, but I will set that aside for the purposes here.

It is clear that the answer to both of these questions is no.  The project was at best highly marginal when it was approved.  As was discussed in an earlier post on this blog, at the time the light rail line alternative was chosen as the “preferred alternative” by the State of Maryland (in 2008), a measure of its cost relative to its benefits placed it just barely in a “medium” cost category where it might be considered for federal support.  But with a cost only a tiny 0.7% higher (or benefits from expected ridership of just 0.7% less), it would have been in the “medium-low” category and unlikely to receive federal financial support.  And at costs 27% higher (or benefits 27% lower) it would have been in the “low” category and federal financial support would have been impossible.

Adjusting for inflation, the construction cost expected in 2008 ($1.2 billion) would have come to $1.6 billion as of late 2021 when decisions were being made on whether to proceed with the new contract.  The $3.9 billion construction cost being considered at that time was 144% higher than this, and the $2.8 cost excluding the $1.1 expense already incurred was 75% higher.  Even leaving the expected benefits the same (where we will see below that they will likely be far less than forecast), any of these costs are far above the 27% higher cost that would have placed the project in a category where it never would have been considered for approval.

The criteria for federal approval used in 2008 were later revised during the Obama administration to ones where qualitative judgment factors entered in addition to the cost factors.  A multi-level, weighted, point scoring system was then used to arrive at an overall rating.  But even at the original costs – costs that were known in early 2022 to be far too low – the project only obtained a minimally adequate rating in 2016 because of a system where the weighted averages of the point scores were rounded up at each level.  Without such rounding – i.e. with each of the specific weighted scores kept rather than rounded up – the Purple Line would not have obtained a minimally adequate rating for federal approval.

But there is no evidence that there was any consideration in early 2022 of whether the project could be justified at the then known costs (and minimum costs, as they could – and did – go even higher).  Rather, it appears MTA staff were directed to find a way to have it built regardless of the costs, as long as those costs would not appear in the current Maryland state budget.  Those costs would instead be paid for by future Maryland budgets when Governor Hogan would already have left office.  And that is what they did, with the increased costs loaded into higher availability payments that would begin when the rail line was completed.

C.  A Comparison to the Cost of the Extension of Line 14 of the Paris Metro 

A major extension of Paris Metro Line 14 has recently been completed, and good figures are available on what that cost.  It extends Line 14 south by 14 kilometers (8.7 miles) to Orly Airport, and was opened in June 2024, in time for the Paris Olympics.  There was also a more minor extension of the line north, but by only 1.1 kilometers (0.7 miles) to a new station.  The cost and other figures here will, however, only be for the extension south to Orly.

The cost figures can be found in a report published in April 2024 by the “Cour des Comptes” of France – the supreme audit institution in France, under the control of the courts and hence independent of the executive and legislative branches.  It audits major government programs.  The extension of Line 14 is the first part of a major (indeed huge) program expanding the Paris Metro system, which will add 200 kilometers of lines (almost all underground) and where in addition to the extension of Line 14 there will be four new lines (15, 16, 17, and 18) circling Paris.  The new lines are scheduled to open in phases between late 2025 and 2030, although it would not be a surprise if there are delays.  Figures on the costs so far (and what is expected to be the costs for the new lines when they are completed) can be found in Annex 11 of the Cour des Comptes report, while Annex 10 provides figures on the costs of the new trains that will run in these lines (including Line 14).

Comparing the new Paris Line 14 South extension with the Purple Line:

Paris Line 14 South Purple Line Ratio
Length 14 km = 8.7 miles 16.2 miles
Type of line Heavy rail Light rail
Tunnel 100% one of 1,020 feet
Depth 100 feet below ground Mostly at grade
Stations 7, o/w 6 new, all underground 21, mostly at surface
Stations per mile 0.8 1.3
Length of train 394 ft 142 ft
Driver required? Fully automated Driver required
Average speed incl. stops 37.3 mph on new section 15.5 mph
Cost per mile $365.9 million $275.8 million 1.34 times
Daily passenger capacity 1 million 70,000 14.3 times
Cost per unit of capacity   $365.9

 

$3,940.0 10.8 times (inverse)

The length of both lines is substantial:  8.7 miles for the Line 14 extension and 16.2 miles for the Purple Line.  Line 14 passes through the center of Paris, and now has a full length of 16.8 miles.  This extension south is thus more than doubling the length of the line.  It is a heavy rail line while the Purple Line is only light rail, and is designed to carry far more passengers.  In contrast to the Purple Line, which is mostly being built at ground level (with just a few bridges and elevated sections, and one tunnel of just 1,020 feet), 100% of Line 14 is built as a tunnel deep underground – on average about 30 meters (about 100 feet) underground.  Tunneling is far more expensive than a rail line that is simply built mostly at ground level alongside existing roads or over what had previously been public parks.

Six new stations have been built on the Line 14 extension, and it was connected at a seventh to the existing Line 14.  This comes to 0.8 stations per mile on average.  Such stations are major projects in themselves, as they have to be built to bring the passengers down to 100 feet underground (the height of a 10-story building) to where the rail line is.  The Purple Line will have 21 stations – or 1.3 per mile on average – but these should be far less expensive.  Most will be not much more than simple platforms with something to cover them.

To carry the passengers, each Line 14 train will consist of eight rail cars and will be 120 meters (394 feet) long.  The Purple Line trains are just 142 feet long.  The Line 14 trains are also fully automated, with no need to employ a driver on each train.  The Purple Line trains, in contrast, will require drivers.  This is necessary for safety as the Purple Line trains will be at ground level and will cross many roads at intersections.  While this will reduce the upfront capital costs (as there is then no need to spend the money needed to make the trains fully automated), the need for drivers on the Purple Line will increase operating expenses.

Paris’s Line 14 trains will also be far faster.  For the newly completed southern extension, they will average 37.3 miles per hour while the Purple Line will average just 15.5 miles per hour.

The Line 14 South Extension has cost Euro 2.71 billion according to the Cour des Comptes report.  Using an exchange rate of 1.085 Dollars per Euro (the current exchange rate as I write this), this comes to $2.94 billion. This includes the cost of the six new stations (and the connection to a seventh).  To this, one should add the cost of the train cars for comparability as that cost is included in the Purple Line construction cost contract.  They have purchased new trains for the entire Line 14 route (the old train cars on the line will be used elsewhere in the Paris Metro system), at a total cost of Euro 431 million.  Prorating this based on distance for the South Extension vs. the entire Line 14 route (51.9%), and with the 1.085 Dollars per Euro exchange rate, the cost for the train cars for the South Extension is $243 million.  Adding this to the $2.94 billion construction cost and dividing the total cost by the 8.7 mile length leads to an overall cost per mile of $365.9 million.

The Purple Line total construction cost, as noted above, will now be $4,467.8 million (assuming no further cost increases).  Over 16.2 miles, this comes to $275.8 million per mile.

The cost per mile of Line 14 is thus 34% higher than for the Purple Line, but Line 14 is a heavy rail line, built entirely as a tunnel rather than mostly at grade, with stations that will bring passengers to 100 feet below ground level, operating at a far higher speed.  One would expect that such a heavy rail line would cost many times the cost of a light rail line built mostly at grade.  But it is just 34% more.

And Line 14 will have a far greater passenger capacity.  The new line has been built to be able to carry 1 million passengers per day.  While the 1 million passengers would be for the entire Line 14 – including the existing section – the extensions will have the same capacity as the same trains at the same frequency will pass through them.  One might also note that the length of the full Line 14 – at 27 kilometers or 16.8 miles – is also similar to the length of the Purple Line.

The Purple Line, in contrast, is being built to be able to handle daily ridership that has been forecast to total 69,300 in 2040.  It is being built to handle a peak load that is forecast to be on the segment between Silver Spring and Bethesda.  I have rounded this up to 70,000 for the purposes here.  While “capacity” on such a system is not always easy to define (what degree of crowding should one assume, for example), the reader is welcome to substitute a higher figure for the calculations should they wish.  The story is fundamentally the same for any reasonable capacity figure that might be assumed.

The capacity to carry 1 million passengers per day on the Line 14 extension is more than 14 times the capacity to carry 70,000 passengers per day on the Purple Line.  But the cost is not 14 times higher; it is only 34% higher.  Or in terms of the cost per unit of capacity, the Purple Line is 10.8 times as expensive as the Paris Line 14 South Extension.  That is huge.

Prior to his decision to proceed with the Purple Line, Governor Hogan asked his Secretary of Transportation to find ways to reduce its cost.  There were some cuts, but primarily by removing some “nice-to-haves” by cutting what would be spent on artwork, on the visible surfaces at the stations, and on the promise that the area between the rails would be planted with grasses and other natural vegetation instead of covered with something harsher such as gravel.  These were all removed, or reduced in scale.  But this had only a modest effect on the costs, and the costs remained high, as discussed above.

What Governor Hogan should have asked was why were the basic costs simply so high.  Even at the original cost of the PPP contract (and thus excluding all the other costs associated with the project), $1,971.9 million for 16.2 miles works out to over $23,000 for each linear foot.  It is hard to understand why it should cost so much to lay down two parallel rail lines, mostly at ground level, with some concrete and other materials (and some pro-rated share of the costs of the trains and other equipment).  At the current cost of $4,467.8 million, the cost is $52,200 per linear foot.  That is over a half million dollars for every ten feet of the line!

Governor Hogan could also have asked why such lines cost so much less in a country such as France.  Wages of construction workers are not less in France than in the US; unions are certainly more powerful in France than in the US; and safety, environmental, and other regulations are certainly stricter in France than in the US.  Yet in terms of the cost per unit of capacity, the Purple Line is costing more than ten times what the Paris Metro Line 14 South Extension has cost.

But such questions were evidently never asked.

D.  Mismanagement Prior to Construction

The mismanagement of the Purple Line has not been limited only to the implementation of the construction phase of the project.  Prior to that, there were also major issues in the process that was followed to assess the project, determine what alternative would best serve the very real transit needs of the neighborhoods in the most cost-effective way, the approach taken in structuring the concession contract (including whether it should indeed be structured as a concession), and the role of the Maryland state legislature in approving or not the financial commitments the State of Maryland has made.

These issues have been reviewed in some detail in prior posts on this blog.  See the posts here, here, here, and here.  I will only summarize in this post some of the key issues and the more blatant mistakes.  These mistakes illustrate that the process followed simply was not serious; it was not professional.  Rather, it appears the aim of the process was not to assess how best to provide public transit services to meet the needs of these neighborhoods, but rather to provide a justification for a decision that had already been made and then to work out a way to get that particular approach done, regardless of the cost.

1)  The Ridership Forecasts

To start, a central issue is what ridership should be expected if the rail line is built.  A figure for expected ridership (for a specific project design) is needed to determine whether the project is being sized appropriately in terms of capacity, what the economic benefits might be should it be built, and whether those benefits justify the costs.

Ridership forecasts are inherently difficult to do, even with the best of intentions.  At this point – with the project not yet completed – we cannot say for sure what the ridership will be.  But with a rail line, it is too late once the line is built to change the design or choose a different option to provide transit services.  The money has already been spent, and a rail line does not have the flexibility to adapt should ridership turn out to be different than was forecast.  This is in contrast to expanded bus service, for example, where one can easily add to or reduce capacity depending on what the ridership turns out to be.  Also, in the specific case of the Purple Line, the concession contract has been structured so not only will the money for the construction have been spent, but the State of Maryland will also be committed to pay the concessionaire to operate the system for 30 years and in the same amount regardless of how many people choose to ride.

The ridership forecasts for the Purple Line are therefore especially important to taxpayers in the State of Maryland.  They do not matter to the concessionaire, as they will be paid the same regardless of how many riders show up.  Indeed, they would prefer fewer riders rather than more, as their costs will then be lower (less wear and tear on equipment due to use, for example, and less to clean up each day).

This was an important flaw in how the concession contract was designed, and will be discussed below.  But first on the ridership forecasts themselves.

The earlier post on this blog on ridership pointed out that there are numerous – and often obvious – errors in the ridership forecasts.  Some involved forecast figures that were simply mathematically impossible.  Among the more important (as well as obvious) mistakes:

a)  Mathematically Impossible Ridership Forecasts:  More than half of the figures for the forecast ridership between groups of Purple Line stations are mathematically impossible.  Briefly (see the earlier blog post for more detail) ridership forecasts are produced in a multi-level process by first dividing up the metro area (in this case the Washington, DC, metro area) into basically a large “checkerboard” (although with uneven borders and areas, not squares), with each defined area a “traffic analysis zone”.  A forecast for some future year (2040 in the case of the Purple Line forecasts) is produced via a model for the number of daily trips that will be taken from each zone to each other zone by all modes of transportation.  The number of trips is modeled based on the population of each zone, the number of jobs in each zone that workers will travel to, distances between the zones, and other factors such as income levels.

They then model what share of those trips will be taken by private vehicles (cars mainly) and what share by public transit, based on factors such as relative costs and travel times by each mode.  At the level below, they then model the share of the trips by public transit that will be taken between each zone by bus, by the Washington Metrorail system, by commuter rail, or by – in the scenario where the Purple Line is built – by the Purple Line.  Again, the shares are modeled based on factors such as the relative costs and travel times of each.

For the Purple Line, the objective is to forecast how many people will choose to travel each day between the Purple Line stations.  While there will be 21 Purple Line stations, they combined the stations into 7 adjacent groups based on the traffic analysis zones, with anywhere from one station in the zone (in the case of Bethesda) to several.  There would therefore be 7 x 7 = 49 different combinations of trips that are being modeled – from one traffic zone along the Purple Line route to another, in both directions.

In such a multi-level process, the number of trips that would be taken on the Purple Line alone cannot be more than the number of trips that will be taken by all forms of public transit, i.e. by bus, or the Metrorail, or commuter rail, or the Purple Line.  Yet, if one compares the forecast number of daily trips provided in the Travel Forecasts chapter of the Final Environmental Impact Statement (FEIS, Volume III, available here and with the relevant table reproduced in my blog post), one finds this not always to be the case.  For the figures on the number of trips from each zone to each other zone (in what is called the “Production/Attraction format” – see my post for more on that if interested), the forecast ridership on the Purple Line is higher than the forecast ridership on all forms of public transit in 29 of the 49 possible cases.

This is mathematically impossible and indeed simply nonsense.  The consultants responsible for this analysis (Parsons Brinckerhoff) made some kind of mistake.  Indeed, with 29 of the 49 possible cases, it is conceivable that the figures are simply random.  One would expect half to be higher and half lower if these are random figures, and 29 of 49 is not far from that.

b)  The Forecast Capacity Requirement:  There is another impossibility as well, although here the cause of the error is clear.  The number of daily riders that the Travel Forecasts chapter estimates will be exiting the Bethesda station each day is 19,800.  But they state that only 10,210 will be going from Bethesda to elsewhere on the Purple Line each day.  (See Figure 10 in the Travel Forecasts chapter, reproduced in my blog post.)  This is obviously silly; Bethesda will not be gaining a population of close to 10,000 each day.

The cause of this error is clear, however.  The analysts responsible for this work used ridership figures from the “Production/Attraction” format tables.  But that format does not present the total ridership that will be entering or leaving a station each day.  Rather, it is one step in the modeling process, and is an estimate of how many of the daily trips will start in a given zone (based mainly on how many people live there – this is the “Production”) and how many daily trips will have this as the destination (where the jobs are – this is the “Attraction”).  Bethesda is a relatively significant jobs center on the line, and hence “Attracts” a higher number of riders than it “Produces”.

The final step is to convert the figures to an “Origin/ Destination” format to show the number of daily trips that will originate at a given station and will end at a given destination.  The figures in origin/destination format will be close to the average for the figures in the production/attraction framework.  Thus the daily number of entries and exits at Bethesda would be roughly 15,000:  the average of the 19,800 and 10,210 figures.  And the Travel Forecasts chapter presents the origin/destination figures in its Tables 24 and 25, although in one they provide a figure of 15.010 and 14,990 in the other, with similar small differences for all of the stations as well in the overall daily ridership forecasts (69,330 in Table 24 and 69,300 in Table 25).  The cause of these small differences was never explained and suggests sloppiness.

But due to this error, the report indicates in its Figure 10 and in the associated text that the number of Purple Line riders going into Bethesda each day will be 19,800, and that the peak ridership (and hence the capacity that will be necessary) will be in the segment from the Woodside/16th Street station to Lyttonsville (a portion of the line between Silver Spring and Bethesda), where there would be 21,400 travelers each day in the westbound direction.  This is wrong, and a misinterpretation of the forecasts due to confusion between figures in a production/attraction format and ones in origin/destination.

c)  Time Savings:  The forecast time that would be saved by travelers choosing to take the Purple Line is central both to the forecast of how many would take the Purple Line (instead of some other mode of public transit) as well as for the estimate of the social benefits from the construction of the Purple Line (which is based on how much time would be saved by travelers).

But there were also major problems here.  Table 23 of the Travel Forecasts chapter of the FEIS provides the estimates they used for the average number of minutes that would be saved by travelers per trip (from each traffic zone to each other) if they have the Purple Line as a choice.  But some of the figures are obviously absurd.  They indicate an average time savings for travelers from the Bethesda traffic zone (Bethesda station) to the New Carrollton zone at the other end of the line of 691 minutes.  That is 11.5 hours!  That is 1.4 miles per hour for the 16.2 mile route of the Purple Line; one could walk faster!  Similarly, the time savings from Bethesda to the traffic zone just before New Carrollton (Riverdale Park) is 582 minutes, or 9.7 hours.  This is also absurd.  My guess is that they misentered the data, with a decimal point in the wrong place.

But there are more general and much more significant problems.  One is that in the data they entered on alternative travel options in the absence of the Purple Line, they failed to include use of the existing Washington Metrorail system as such an option.  And some of the trips would require less time on the Metro than they would if one rode on the Purple Line.  For example, the Travel Forecasts report itself indicated that traveling from Bethesda to New Carrollton via Metro currently takes only 55 minutes (Table 6 in the report).  On the Purple Line, the same trip would require 62.6 minutes (Table 11).  There would not be any time savings, but rather a time cost.  And obviously not 691 minutes of time savings.

More generally, the time savings per trip across the 7×7 zones being forecast (Table 21) appear to be far too high on average.  The summary at the bottom of the table indicates an average savings of 30 minutes per trip for trips in the metropolitan region as a whole.  Yet in the three detailed examples they provided for how such calculations are made, they calculated an average time savings of a much more plausible 7.3 minutes per trip.  The sample is small, but a savings of 10 minutes per trip is probably a better estimate than 30 minutes. This is especially the case if one allows (as one should) the option of taking the existing Metrorail system between several of the stations – often for a faster trip than the Purple Line will provide.

An average time savings of 10 minutes per trip rather than 30 reduces the benefits of the Purple Line by a far from insignificant two-thirds even assuming the number of trips would remain the same as forecast.  But it would also significantly reduce the number of Purple Line trips in the forecast, as that forecast number depends primarily on the assumed time savings.  If linear, it would imply that the number of trips should also be reduced by two-thirds, and the overall benefits (the number of trips times the time savings per trip) would fall by eight-ninths.  That is far from a minor adjustment in the forecast benefits.

A reduction in the forecast ridership on the Purple Line by two-thirds would also be more in line with the ridership seen on other light rail lines in the US.  As I noted in my earlier blog post:

study from 2015 found that the forecast ridership on the Purple Line would be three times as high as the ridership actually observed in 2012 on 31 light rail lines built in the US over the last three decades.  Furthermore, the forecast Purple Line ridership would be 58% higher than ridership actually observed on the highest line among those 31.  And with the Purple Line route passing through suburban areas of generally medium to low density, in contrast to routes to and from major downtown areas for most of those 31, many have concluded the Purple Line forecasts are simply not credible.

d)  Uncertainty and the Lack of Resilience in a Rail System:  Finally, one should always keep in mind that there will be uncertainties with any such forecasts.  The Purple Line ridership forecasts are not plausible, but a more fundamental issue is that future ridership can never be known with certainty.  The experience with ridership on Washington’s Metrorail system over the past decade and a half illustrates well the uncertainties, and also has a direct bearing on the Purple Line forecasts.

The Purple Line will intersect with four Metrorail lines, and a major share of the forecast Purple Line ridership is of riders who would use the Purple Line for part of their journeys to connect to a regular Metro line or to return home from a trip on the Metro.  The ridership forecasts for the Purple Line were first developed around 2008 and then refined later, and assumed that ridership on Metrorail as a whole would grow steadily over time.  But it turned out that Metrorail ridership peaked in 2008 and then fell steadily.  This was indeed a major issue raised by Judge Richard Leon in his August 2016 ruling, where he indicated the State of Maryland should review whether, in light of the steady decline in Metrorail ridership in the years leading up to 2016, the Purple Line would still be justified.  By 2016, Metrorail ridership was already 14% below where it had been in 2008, and by even more, of course, relative to where it would have been had it kept to the pre-2008 trend (a rising trend the ridership forecasts assumed would continue).  The response by Maryland was that they expected Metrorail ridership would soon recover fully to its pre-2008 trend path, and then continue at that trend growth rate in the future.

Metrorail ridership did not.  It continued to fall and then collapsed in 2020 due to the Covid crisis.  Average daily ridership on the Metrorail system in 2020 was 72% below what it was in 2019, and in 2021 was 78% below 2019.  There has since been some recovery, but in 2024 (up to October 11 – the most recent data as I write this) it is still 38% below what it was in 2019.  Given the shift to working from home for many office workers, there is the question of whether Metrorail ridership will ever recover to where it was in 2008, much less to the trend growth path that was assumed for the Purple Line ridership forecasts.

Defenders of the Purple Line might say that it was impossible to predict the Covid crisis and the shift to working from home.  That is true, and is precisely the point!  The future is uncertain, and major surprises are always possible.  It is for this reason that one should favor resilient and flexible systems that can respond as the future unfolds.  A light rail line such as the Purple Line is not flexible.  Once the rail lines have been laid, they cannot be moved.  And with the train sets purchased and other equipment installed, the capacity is basically fixed.  This is in direct contrast to bus systems, where routes can be changed based on how development proceeds and capacity on any given route can easily be adjusted by running more or fewer buses.

Bus options existed for serving the neighborhoods through which the Purple Line is being run.  Bus routes could have been adjusted, capacity on those routes could have been adjusted, and express routes could have been added (such as between Silver Spring and Bethesda – if there is indeed a demand).  And while less flexible, they could also have built – at a far lower cost than the Purple Line – bus-only lanes in key locations (such as into and through Bethesda), or they could have extended planned Bus Rapid Transit routes to include segments the Purple Line will be covering (such as between Silver Spring and Bethesda).

2)  The Economic Impact

A key question for a project such as the Purple Line is what economic impact can be expected, and will that impact justify the costs.  Studies are commissioned for this, and the key one for the Purple Line was prepared by the consulting firm TEMS (for Transportation Economics and Management Systems, Inc.).  Its March 2015 report was an update of one it had prepared in 2010, and will be the focus here.

The release of the TEMS report on April 20, 2015, was highly orchestrated, with a press conference, an article in the Washington Post, an editorial that same day in the Washington Post extolling the reported benefits, as well as letters to Governor Hogan from local political figures citing the report.  Presumably, the TEMS report was circulated before this date for review by selected entities (including the Washington Post) but embargoed until the press conference on that day.

It does not appear, however, that any of these entities undertook a serious review of the report prior to citing it as proof that the Purple Line would have highly beneficial economic impacts on the communities and the state and region more generally.  It is a report that could be highly technical in areas, and it would not have been reasonable to assume that members of the Editorial Board at the Washington Post would have fully understood what was being done.  However, before jumping to the conclusion that the report’s conclusions were soundly based, the Editorial Board (as well as others) could have requested a review by a neutral professional or scholar to advise on whether the report was sound.  But they did not.  There are major problems with the report, and indeed obvious problems that any professional would have quickly seen.

a)  The “Statistical” Analysis:  To start with a simple but obvious issue, and one that any professional in the field would have seen immediately just by glancing at the report, the TEMS study provided what it said were the results of a statistical regression analysis of travel demand between different zones of the Washington metro area.  The report said it used a database constructed of travel patterns in the region between each of the defined traffic zones, the cost of travel between the zones, and socioeconomic variables such as population, employment, and average household incomes.  The results are presented in Exhibit 4.2 on page 25.

They state that the statistical results they found were very good.  If properly done, such results would not only have been good, but far too good.  Indeed impossibly good.  For example, and most blatantly, they claimed to have obtained a statistical measure of goodness of fit (called a t-statistic) in one of the regressions of 250 for one of the parameters estimated and over 200 for each of two others.  The higher the t-statistic, the better (the tighter) the statistical fit.  For most such regressions, analysts are happy with a t-statistic of 2.0.  At 2.0, there is a 95% likelihood that a statistically meaningful correlation is being found, and only one chance in 20 that it is not.  At a t-statistic of 3, it is one chance in 370, at a t-statistic of 4 it is one in almost 16,000, at a t-statistic of 5 it is one in 1.7 million, at a t-statistic of 6 it is one in half a billion and at a t-statistic of 7 it is one in almost 400 billion.  As you can see, it diminishes rapidly.  It is impossible to imagine what it would be at a t-statistic of 250.  Something is clearly wrong here.  No statistical analysis of real-world data produces such results.

This would have been obvious to any professional with just a glance at the report.  But there were other issues as well.

b)  Correlation is Not Causation:  The TEMS report states that it estimates that annual household incomes in the region will increase by $2.2 billion each year as a return on the $1.9 billion investment in the building of the Purple Line (where $1.9 billion was the estimated cost at the time the study was done).  This would be a rate of return of 116% ($2.2 billion per year for a one-time investment of $1.9 billion).  Any professional would immediately see that this is certainly wrong.  Transportation investments – especially passenger rail investments – do not generate anything close to such returns.

How did they arrive at this figure?  Going through the report’s presentation, one sees that the estimate of the impact on household incomes is based on another statistical regression analysis.  That one looked at the relationship between existing household incomes in a particular geographic zone and a figure for average transportation costs for those living in that zone (along with other variables for that zone).

The problem was that they confused correlation with causation.  As any introductory statistical course in college will teach, a regression equation provides estimates of correlations, and one should not assume these necessarily imply causation.  There may be neighborhoods (Georgetown in Washington, DC, would be an example) where travel costs to work might be relatively low on average (Georgetown is close to jobs in downtown DC) and incomes are relatively high.  But it is a mistake then to jump to the conclusion that the reason rich people in Georgetown became rich was that their commuting costs were relatively low.

The TEMS study made this simple mistake.  Correlation is not causation.

c)  Errors in the Analysis of Construction Impacts:  In addition to their (mistaken) estimates of the economic benefits to households and others in the region once the Purple Line is running, the TEMS report also provided what it claimed to be estimates of benefits accruing from what will be spent for the construction of the line.  There were also fundamental problems here.

First, and most basic, the TEMS analysis is based on the presumption that the more that is spent on the construction, the greater the benefit.  That is, if the construction costs doubled to $4 billion, say, from the initial estimate of $2 billion, then the “benefits” would be twice as much.  And if the costs blew up to $20 billion, say, the benefits would be ten times as much.

This is, of course, not just perverse but also silly.  Cost overruns are not benefits.  While they are claiming that jobs would be “created” for those working on the construction (and hence twice as many jobs if twice as much is spent), the mistake they make is assuming the alternative is that such funds for public transit would not be spent at all.  But that is not the alternative.  There are huge needs for public transit – and for transportation projects more generally – and the alternative that should have been examined is not to do nothing, but rather to make use of the funds for one or more of the high-priority needs.  That is, instead of covering cost overruns on a poorly managed project, those funds could have been used to meet the very real transit needs of these communities.  The number of jobs “created” (if that is the objective) would have been similar.

It gets worse.  The TEMS study used what is called an “input-output” analysis to estimate what it said would be the impacts on the various sectors of the economy in the region from the expenditures for items that would be needed for the construction.  They excluded (properly) the $0.2 billion in expenditures on the rail cars for the Purple Line (as they have been built elsewhere), leaving $1.7 billion for the “construction” cost from their $1.9 billion overall cost estimate.  But they then assumed – completely improperly – that all of the $1.7 billion would be spent locally.  This is obviously not true.  While a portion would be spent for  local construction labor, a far greater portion would be for the materials and equipment needed for the rail line.  But the steel rails being laid down, for example, would not be an expenditure on a locally produced item.  There are no steel mills in the DC metro area.  And that would be the case for most of the items purchased for the project.  Yet the TEMS input-output analysis assumed all of the construction expenditure would be for locally produced products.

And then it gets even worse.  The TEMS study calculated such direct and feedback effects separately for Montgomery County and for Prince George’s County (the two Maryland counties of the 16.2 mile Purple Line route), and then also for Washington, DC (where the Purple Line will not run at all).  But one look at the detailed estimates of the purported economic impacts (Tables 7.10, 7.11, and 7.12, in the TEMS report for Montgomery, PG County, and DC, respectively).  They show that they assigned the full $1.7 billion of construction costs as if it were spent entirely in Montgomery County, spent entirely again in Prince George’s County, and spent entirely again in Washington, DC.

That is, they triple-counted those construction expenditures!  Even if one accepts the problematic methodology of TEMS, the implementation is replete with errors.

This was not a competent analysis.  Before extolling the purported “findings” of a report of the tremendous impact building the Purple Line would have on the region, the Washington Post editorial board, as well as others, should have first asked a neutral professional or academic to review it and indicate whether it was sound.

3)  The Structuring of the PPP Contract, Maryland Debt, and the Role of the State Legislature

There are also major issues with the process followed.  Only three will be addressed here:  the structuring of the PPP contract, the impact on State of Maryland debt, and the role of the state legislature in voting approval for (or, in this case, not voting) on what will be a major public expenditure commitment lasting over 35 years.

a)  How the PPP Contract Was Structured:  The Purple Line project is the first project of the State of Maryland that has gone forward under legislation passed in 2013 for PPP contracts.  It has important lessons on what not to do.

A PPP (Public-Private Partnership) contract divides responsibilities between state and private parties on investments where there is a direct public interest.  It can be a broad concept, covering a variety of contract structures, but the aim normally is to encourage the party best able to manage a particular type of risk to take responsibility for that risk and have an incentive to manage it well.

The Purple Line PPP does not do that.  Indeed, it is not much different from Maryland using a standard fixed-price procurement contract for the work to be done.  The private consortium that won the contract committed to building the Purple Line in accordance with the basic design provided by the state, and then to operate the line for 30 years following its opening in compliance with agreed service standards (such as for the hours and frequency of the train operations).  They were supposed to do this for a fixed cost that, as noted in Section B above, was to total $5.6 billion in payments over the planned 35 years (5 years for construction and then 30 years for operation).  The cost of the PPP contract will now be at least $9,8 billion over the full period.

This could have been structured as a standard fixed-price procurement contract.  Indeed, a standard procurement contract could have been written with greater flexibility by not combining the building of the rail line with its later operation.  Different types of firms have expertise in each.  There could have been a fixed-price contract to build it, and then separate fixed-price contracts for operating it for a given period as a concession.  And the operating concessions need not be for a very long, 30-year, period, but perhaps 5 years at a time after which it could be adjusted to reflect what ridership actually turned out to be and then re-bid.

It is certainly true that public procurement contracts that are supposed to be for a “fixed price” often end up with major cost increases.  But this would not differ from how the Purple Line contract turned out.  Its cost (over the full concession period) is now $4.3 billion higher than the original “fixed price” of $5.6 billion.

Private firms do not appear to be very good at managing the risk that costs may turn out to be substantially higher than initially agreed in such major public sector infrastructure projects.  It was a mistake to assume – as the structure of the Purple Line PPP assumed – that costs would not rise.  In the case of the Purple Line, the public sector (MTA) has been responsible for delivering on time the parcels of land required to build the rail line, as well as for ensuring utility lines and pipes are moved as required and for the basic design of the rail system.  But MTA has been repeatedly late in fulfilling those obligations (even with the lawsuit, that provided the MTA an extra 9 months to get a headstart on this work).  The most recent payment of compensation for the higher construction costs arising from the continued MTA delays was approved just last March – six and a half years after construction began.

In contrast, private firms can be good at assessing “market risk” – in this case assessing what ridership demand might be.  The Purple Line PPP contract was not, however, structured so that the private concessionaire would care whether ridership turns out to be anywhere close to the forecasts that were made.  The concessionaire will be paid the same regardless.  Whatever is collected in fares will be passed directly to the State of Maryland.

A better structure of the PPP contract would have been for the concessionaire to receive the fares.  This would have been much like how many private toll road PPP contracts are structured.  A significant difference is that while tolls on toll roads can usually suffice to cover the costs of building and then operating the road, fares on rail lines rarely cover their costs – and they certainly will not in the case of the Purple Line.  However, this could be addressed by basing the bidding criterion on the level of state subsidy the concessionaire would receive each month, say, during the concession period.  There would be a competitive bidding process, and the pre-qualified private consortium submitting the lowest bid for the subsidy required would win the contract.

Note that in the existing structure that was used for the PPP for the Purple Line, the State of Maryland is paying the concessionaire a similar “subsidy” for building and then operating the concession, with the subsidy then paid out monthly through the availability payments.  But the critical difference would be that the fares would instead go to the concessionaire rather than the state.  Instead of bidding an amount for which they would build and then operate the project (as in the current PPP contract), those competing for this contract would instead submit a bid that was reduced from that amount based on what they expected to receive in fares.

The structure would still be one where the private concessionaire would build the project and then operate it for a period such as 30 years.  The receipts – fares plus the fixed subsidies – over those 30 years would cover what it cost to build the rail line plus the operating and maintenance costs.  While this might appear to be close to the PPP structure used for the Purple Line, there is an important difference.  In this new structure, the concessionaire would have an incentive to build and operate a rail line that is attractive to riders, with a service that will maximize the number of riders and hence the fares.  The concessionaire would be receiving the fares.  Under the current structure, the concessionaire will be paid the same regardless of riders, would prefer fewer to more riders, and will need to be supervised closely to ensure they are not cutting corners to save money.  In the current PPP structure, they do not care whether fewer riders would choose the system (and indeed would prefer fewer).

In this new PPP structure, the potential bidders will pay close attention to the ridership forecasts, as they will lose directly should those forecasts turn out to be overly optimistic.  One can therefore be sure that they would be more carefully done than those – discussed above (with their numerous errors) – used by the State of Maryland to establish what they considered to be a justification for building the line.

However, there would be a major drawback to such a PPP structure, as neither the private concessionaires nor the politicians and others pushing for the project would have been happy.  Such a PPP structure would have made clear upfront that building the Purple Line was simply not warranted.  There would have been more carefully worked out estimates of the ridership (providing a more realistic estimate of what ridership to expect) as well as greater clarity on the state subsidies that would then have been required for the Purple Line to be built.  The political figures seeking a justification for building the rail line would not have wanted this.  Nor would the vested interests that are benefiting privately from it while others are paying.

The private consortia bidding on the line would also not favor such an approach.  They of course favor a structure where, as in the present one, they do not bear the risk of ridership not materializing.  They certainly prefer the State of Maryland to take on this risk.

There was an additional flaw in the structuring of the PPP contract.  Section B above noted that in the original financial structure agreed to in 2016, the equity investment of the Purple Line concessionaire was only $138 million – equal to just 6.2% of the overall cost to build the line.  This was small, and gave the concessionaire the credible threat to walk away should problems develop leading to higher costs.  Furthermore, the primary construction contractor – Fluor – held only a 15% share in the consortium responsible for the project, and hence would have put up only 15% of $138 million in equity, or $20.7 million.

Fluor walked away from the contract in 2020 when the persistent delays and other issues that raised their costs led them to demand $800 million in compensation in order to continue.  They eventually settled for $250 million, but both of these figures are far in excess of the $20.7 million they had invested in the project in equity.  The State of Maryland had claimed that the PPP contract would ensure that the private consortium responsible for the project would be responsible for any cost overruns, with Maryland protected.  This proved not to be the case, and the very low share of equity in the project gave the private consortium strong negotiating leverage when costs turned out to be higher.

b)  The Impact on Maryland’s Public Debt Commitments

The availability payments that Maryland will be obliged to pay on the Purple Line are essentially the same as debt commitments.  Maryland will be obliged to pay them in the amounts set in the contract, with the sole condition that the rail line is available for operations.  The availability payments due will not be reduced should ridership turn out to be less than forecast – even far less than forecast.  Nor will they be reduced should there be, for example, an economic downturn so that public funds are especially tight.  They will have to be maintained at the level agreed in the PPP contract.

The payments are thus basically like payments on a state bond obligation.  But unlike bonds, the payment obligations under the Purple Line PPP are to be for 35 years (5 years for the anticipated construction period, and then 30 years for operations).  In contrast, the maximum term of a State of Maryland public bond is set by law to be no more than 15 years – a maximum term that was presumably set for prudential borrowing reasons.

But Maryland is not counting these availability payment obligations as part of the state’s debt obligations.  If they had, then the Purple Line payment obligations would be included in debt limits set by the state’s Capital Debt Affordability Committee – a committee of senior state officials chaired by the State Treasurer.  The limits are for tax-supported state debt not to exceed 4% of personal (i.e. household) income in the state, nor for debt service obligations to exceed 8% of state revenues.

The state has been close to these limits, where according to the most recent report of the Capital Debt Affordability Committee (issued in December 2023 for FY2025 borrowing), Maryland state debt was 3.1% of state personal income in FY2023 and debt service on such debt was 6.5% of state revenues.  Scaling these up as if the Purple Line debt (construction cost less federal grant) and estimated availability payments were owed and due, Maryland debt would have been 3.9% of personal income in the state (just below the 4% limit), and debt service would have been 7.4% (versus the 8% limit).  Maryland was closer to the limits in FY2019 (as well as FY2020).  Had the Purple Line obligations been due and recognized then, the borrowing limits would have been breached, with state debt at 4.3% of personal income in FY2019 (and 4.4% in FY2020) and debt service payments at 8.7% of state revenues in FY2019 (and 8.5% in FY2020).

These past fiscal year figures are just taken for illustration.  The additional amounts that will be due on the Purple Line would be booked in a future year, and the base amounts for Maryland debt and debt service obligations in those future years are not now known.  But the recent figures indicate that including the Purple Line debts could lead to a breach of the prudential borrowing limits the state has set.  And even if not breached, the Purple Line obligations would reduce the headroom the state has for meeting its other needs.

The State of Maryland under then Governor Hogan decided, however, to exclude the Purple Line debt obligations and the 30-year commitment on the availability payments from Maryland state debt accounts.  As was discussed in more detail in an earlier post on this blog, Maryland officials structured the payment obligations for the Purple Line as if they would be made through a newly created trust account.  When the Purple Line is operational with the availability payments due, that trust account will receive whatever fare revenues are collected on the Purple Line plus then transfers of sufficient revenues from MARC (the state’s public commuter rail system) to suffice to cover the payments due.

Excluding the Purple Line debt and availability payments due would not be inappropriate if fare revenues from the Purple Line could be expected to cover what will be due.  It would not then need to be covered by general state tax revenue.  But the Purple Line fares will not come anywhere close to what is needed to cover the costs.  The average annual availability payments required will be approximately $280 million.  This is based on the $250 million figure provided in February 2022 by the MTA in a briefing to a legislative committee, accounting for the portion that will cover operations and maintenance ($87 million per year on average), and scaling up the debt repayment portion to reflect the additional compensation agreed in July 2023 ($148.3 million) and in March 2024 ($415.0 million).

The fares collected will be far less.  The Travel Forecasts chapter of the FEIS estimates that the net increase in fares on all public transit services when the Purple Line is in operation will only be $9.6 million in 2040.  This figure is especially low as it takes into account that much of the forecast ridership on the Purple Line will be riders who have shifted from other forms of public transit – primarily buses.  Based just on the fares to be collected on the Purple Line itself, with a forecast ridership in 2040 of 69,300 per weekday (certainly highly optimistic, as discussed above) and a fare per trip of $2 (a figure MTA has provided), and using the standard rule of thumb that ridership on weekends is about half the rate of that per weekday, then the gross fares collected on the Purple Line would be $21.6 million per year.

Fare collection of even $21.6 million per year is far below the $280 million needed for the availability payments, and the net fare collection of $9.6 million is even less.  And both figures are certainly overestimates due to the optimistic ridership forecasts.  The difference in what is needed to cover the availability payments would then be covered by a notional transfer of MARC fare revenues.  The argument made is that what is needed to cover the Purple Line payments will thus not come from the Maryland state budget and its regular tax revenues.

But this is not true.  MARC, like most commuter rail systems, does not run a surplus, but rather needs regular budgetary transfers as a subsidy to its operations.  Hence, whatever is transferred from the MARC accounts to cover the Purple Line availability payments will need to be matched dollar-for-dollar by an increase in budgetary transfers to MARC to cover its costs.

This is then just a shell game.  The payment obligations for the Purple Line availability payments are the same – and are being covered by the general state budget – whether the budget transfers are made directly to a Purple Line account or are made indirectly first to a MARC account and then from MARC to a Purple Line account.

The main rating agencies – S&P, Moody’s, and Fitch – recognize that availability payment commitments as have been made for the Purple Line are a state financial commitment, and cannot be ignored when they arrive at their decisions on state bond ratings.  They differ in the details of precisely how they account for what they call “debt-like obligations”, and when those obligations should be taken into account (e.g. as milestone payments are made during construction, or only when the project is operational) but they are unanimous in saying the obligations cannot be excluded in the debt and debt service ratios they examine.

Maryland has a AAA rating, which allows it to borrow on exceptionally good terms.  The Purple Line obligations could have an impact on this.

c)  The Role (or Non-Role) of the State Legislature in Setting the State Budget

The state legislature in Maryland, as in most states, approves major project commitments as well as the regular annual budget of the state.  As was discussed in more detail in an earlier post on this blog, the procedures to be followed in a PPP process were set out in legislation passed in 2013.  The Purple Line PPP was the first project to be managed under this new process, and the legislature gave its approval (also in 2013) for the state to begin the competitive bidding process to select a concessionaire for the project.

This approval by the legislature in 2013 to start the process could only be based, of course, on estimates of what the contract costs might be.  As I noted in the earlier blog post, the state issued a Request for Qualifications in November 2013 to identify interested bidders and a Request for Proposals in July 2014, and then received proposals from four bidders in November and December 2015.  Following a review and final negotiations, the state then announced the winning bidder on March 1, 2016.

The state legislature was then given 30 days to review the proposed contract (of close to 900 pages!), and was allowed within that 30-day window to vote non-approval, should it choose.  If no vote was held, then the contract was deemed approved, and it was.  That original contract, as noted in Section B above, provided for $1,971.9 million for construction and $5,589.9 million in total cost over the anticipated 35-year period:  for construction, operations, as well as the financing costs (interest basically).

The cost is now far higher, at $4,467.8 million for the construction and $9,847.3 million overall (including the July 2023 and March 2024 additions of $153.8 million and $415.0 million respectively).  Yet even though the total cost is $4,247.5 million higher – 76% more than was approved originally – the state legislature has never taken a vote on whether it approved of the additional payment obligations.  It has played no role – at least no formal role – in approving major increased expenditure commitments that future governors (and legislators) will be obliged to abide by.

All that was required by Maryland’s process was approval by the state’s Board of Public Works.  The Board is made up of three members – with one being the governor, one the State Treasurer, and one the State Comptroller – and only two votes are required for the expenditure commitments to pass.  With the governor having one vote, he only needs one other vote when such PPP contracts are being amended to bind the state to a financial commitment that appears to be unlimited.  It could be $4.3 billion and 76% higher than the original approval – as was the case here – or something ten times higher.  It does not appear that there is any limit where legislative approval would be required.  And the term of the obligation – 35 years here – could apparently also be extended to any number of years.

One would think that the state legislature should have a say in any such financial commitments.  Governor Hogan created major new financial obligations that will bind future governors and state legislators for 35 years, with no vote by the legislature on whether this was warranted.

E.  Conclusion

The Purple Line has been a fiasco.  It has been terribly mismanaged, where the cost of building it is now well more than twice what the original fixed price was supposed to be.  And its cost as of today (it could still go even higher) compared to what it cost to build a heavy rail line in Paris – all of it by underground tunnel – is more than ten times as much in terms of the capacity per mile provided.

The problems have not just been with the implementation of the PPP contract.  There were also obvious, and telling, issues with the studies done to forecast what ridership to expect and what the economic impacts would be if the project is built.  The PPP contract could also have been structured so that the potential concessionaires bidding on the contract would take seriously the ridership forecasts.  However, this would then have made it clear that the published ridership forecasts should not have been believed.

In addition, booking the payments that will need to be made during the 35 years of the Purple Line concession contract through a special trust account to be filled by the transfer of fare revenues from MARC, and then for the state legislature to cover those transfers through the annual state budget for MARC, is just a shell game.  The state budget will be covering the payments for the Purple Line.  There should be transparency on this being a state commitment that will bind future Maryland governors and legislatures with a major budgetary expenditure for 35 years.

All this points to a process that simply was not serious.  Expensive studies such as for the ridership forecasts and on the economic impact were not part of a process to determine whether a light rail line was the best use of scarce resources to serve the very real transit needs of these communities.  Rather, one can only see the process as work aimed at trying to find a way to justify a decision that had already been made.

As costs rose and the difficulties with the project became more and more clear, MTA staff did not then consider whether continuing with the project remained warranted (if it ever was).  Rather, they were praised by Governor Hogan for finding a way to push the project forward despite the far higher cost.

As the governor who made the decision in 2016 to have the Purple Line built, and then to sign the re-negotiated contract in 2022 at a far higher cost, Larry Hogan is in the end responsible for this.  It is certainly true that there were other Maryland officials and state legislators – including prior governors – who also pushed for the line to be built.  But Hogan is ultimately responsible for the key decision to proceed, and he should be held accountable.

Estimating the Social Cost of Carbon

A.  Introduction

An earlier post on this blog discussed the basic economics of carbon pricing, and the distinction between the Social Cost of Carbon (SCC – the cost to society from the damage done when an extra unit of carbon dioxide, CO2, is released into the atmosphere) and the Abatement Cost of Carbon (ACC – what it costs to reduce the emissions of CO2 by a unit).  Using the diagram from that post that is copied above, the post discussed some of the implications one can draw simply from an understanding that there are such curves, their basic shapes, and their relationships to each other.

There remains the question of what the actual values of the SCC and ACC might be under present conditions, and how one might obtain estimates of those values.  That is not easy and can get complicated, but knowing what such values might be (even approximately) is of use as decisions are made on how best to address CO2 emissions.

This post will look at how estimates have been obtained for the SCC.  A subsequent post will look at how the ACC can be estimated.  The process to obtain SCC estimates is particularly complex, with significant limitations.  While a number of researchers and groups have arrived at estimates for the SCC, I will focus on the specific approach followed by an interagency group established by the US federal government soon after a court ruling in 2008 that some such process needed to be established.  The estimates they obtained (which were then updated several times as the process was refined) have been perhaps the most widely followed and influential estimates made of the SCC, with those estimates used in the development of federal rules and regulations on a wide range of issues where CO2 emissions might be affected.

While that interagency group had the resources to make use of best practices developed elsewhere, with a more in-depth assessment than others were able to do, there are still major limitations.  In the sections below, we will first go through the methodology they followed and then discuss some of its inherent limitations.  The post will then review the key issue of what discount rates should be used to discount back to the present the damages that will be ongoing for many years from a unit of CO2 that is released today (with those impacts lasting for centuries).  The particular SCC estimates obtained will be highly sensitive to the discount rates used, and there has been a great deal of debate among economists on what those rates should be.

The limitations of the process are significant.  But the nature of the process followed also implies that the SCC estimates arrived at will be biased too low, for a number of reasons.  The easiest to see is that the estimated damages from the higher global temperatures are from a limited list:  those where they could come up with some figure (possibly close to a guess) on damages following from some given temperature increase.  The value of non-marketed goods (such as the existence of viable ecosystems – what environmentalists call existence values) were sometimes counted but often not, but when included the valuation could only be basically a guess.  Other damages (including, obviously, those we are not able to predict now) were ignored and implicitly treated as if they were zero.

More fundamentally, the methodologies do not (and cannot, due not just to a lack of data but also inherent uncertainties) take adequately into account the possibility of catastrophic climate events resulting from a high but certainly possible increase in temperatures from the CO2 we continue to release into the air.  Feedback loops are important, but are not well understood.  If these possibilities are taken into account, the resulting SCC would be extremely high.  We just do not know how high.  In the limit, under plausible functional forms for the underlying relationships (in particular that there are “fat tails” in the distributions due to feedback effects), the SCC could in theory approach infinity.  Nothing can be infinite in the real world, of course, but recognition of these factors (which in the standard approaches are ignored) implies that the SCC when properly evaluated will be very high.

We are then left with the not terribly satisfactory answer that we do not, and indeed cannot, really know what the SCC is.  All we can know is that it will be very high at our current pace of releasing CO2 into the air.  That can still be important, since, when coupled with evidence that the ACC is relatively low, it is telling us (in terms of the diagram at the top of this post) that the SCC will be far above the ACC.  Thus society will gain (and gain tremendously) from actions to cut back on CO2 emissions.

I argue that this also implies that for issues such as federal rule-making, the SCC should be treated in a fashion similar to how monetary figures are assigned to basic parameters such as the “value of a statistical life” (VSL).  The VSL is in principle the value assigned to an average person’s life being saved.  It is needed in, for example, determining how much should be spent to improve safety in road designs, in the consideration of public health measures, in environmental regulations, and so on.  No one can really say what the value of a life might be, but we need some such figure in order to make decisions on expenditures or regulatory rules that will affect health and safety.  And whatever that value is, one should want it to be used consistently across different regulatory and other decisions, rather than some value for some decision and then a value that is twice as high (or twice as low) for some other decision.

The SCC should best be seen as similar to a VSL figure.  We should not take too seriously the specific number arrived at (all we really know is that the SCC is high), but rather agree on some such figure to allow for consistency in decision-making for federal rules and other actions that will affect CO2 emissions.

This turned out to be a much longer post than I had anticipated when I began.  And I have ended up in a different place than I had anticipated when I began.  But I have learned a good deal in working my way through how SCC estimates are arrived at, and in examining how different economists have come to different conclusions on some of the key issues.  Hopefully, readers will find this also of interest.

The issue is certainly urgent.  The post on this blog prior to this one looked at the remarkable series of extreme climate events of just the past few months of this summer.  Records have been broken on global average surface temperatures, on ocean water temperatures, and on Antarctic sea ice extent (reaching record lows this season).  More worryingly, those records were broken not by small margins, but by large jumps over what the records had been before.  Those record temperatures were then accompanied by other extreme events, including numerous floods, local high temperature records being broken, especially violent storms, extensive wildfires in Canada that have burned so far this year well more than double the area burned in any previous entire year (with consequent dangerous smoke levels affecting at different times much of the US as well as Canada itself), and other climate-related disasters.  Climate events are happening, and sometimes with impacts that had not earlier been anticipated.  There is much that we do not yet know about what may result from a warmer planet, and that uncertainty itself should be a major cause of concern.

B.  How the SCC is Estimated

This section will discuss how the SCC is in practice estimated.  While some of the limitations on such estimates will be clear as we go through the methodology, the section following this one will look more systematically at some of those limitations.

There have been numerous academic studies that have sought to determine values for the SCC, and the IPCC (the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) and various country governments have come up with estimates as well.  There can be some differences in the various approaches taken, but they are fundamentally similar.  I will focus here on the specific process used by the US government, where an Interagency Working Group (IWG) was established in 2009 during the Obama administration to arrive at an estimate.  The IWG was convened by the Office of Management and Budget with the Council of Economic Advisers (both in the White House), and was made up of representatives of twelve different government cabinet-level departments and agencies.

The IWG was established in response to a federal court order issued in 2008 (the last year of the Bush administration).  Federal law requires that economic and social impacts be taken into account as federal regulations are determined as well as in whether federal funds can be used to support various projects.  The case before the court in 2008 was on how federal regulations on automotive fuel economy standards are set.  The social cost of the resulting CO2 emissions will matter for this, but by not taking that into account up until that point, the federal government was implicitly pricing it at zero.  The court said that while there may indeed be a good deal of uncertainty in what cost should be set for that, the cost was certainly not zero.  The federal government was therefore ordered by the court to come up with its best estimate for what this should be (i.e. for what the SCC should be) and apply it.  The IWG was organized in response to that court order.

The first set of estimates was issued in February 2010, with a Technical Support Document explaining in some detail the methodology used.  While the specifics have evolved over time, the basic approach has remained largely the same and my purpose here is to describe the essential features of how the SCC has been estimated.  Much of what I summarize here comes from this 2010 document.  There is also a good summary of the methodology followed, prepared by three of the key authors who developed the IWG approach, in a March 2011 NBER Working Paper.  I will not go into all the details on the approach used by the IWG (see those documents if one wants more) but rather will cover only the essential elements.

The IWG updated its estimates for the SCC in May 2013, in July 2015, and again in August 2016 (when they also issued in a separate document estimates using a similar methodology for the social cost of two other important greenhouse gases:  the Social Cost of Methane and the Social Cost of Nitrous Oxide).  These were all during the Obama administration.  The Trump administration then either had to continue to use the August 2016 figures or issue its own new estimates.  It of course chose the latter, but followed a process that was basically a farce to come up with figures that were so low as to be basically meaningless (as will be discussed below).  The Biden administration then issued a new set of figures in February 2021 – soon after taking office – but those “new” figures were, as they explained, simply the 2016 figures (for methane and nitrous oxide as well as for CO2) updated to be expressed in terms of 2020 prices (the prior figures had all been expressed in terms of 2007 prices – the GDP deflator was used for the adjustment).  A more thorough re-estimation of these SCC values has since been underway, but finalization has been held up in part due to court challenges.

The Social Cost of Carbon is an estimate, in today’s terms, of what the total damages will be when a unit of CO2 is released into the atmosphere.  The physical units normally used are metric tons (1,000 kilograms, or about 2,205 pounds).  The damages will start in the year the CO2 is emitted and will last for hundreds of years, as CO2 remains in the atmosphere for hundreds of years.  Unlike some other pollutants (such as methane), CO2 does not break down in the atmosphere into simpler chemical compounds, but rather is only slowly removed from the atmosphere due to other processes, such as absorption into the oceans or into new plant growth.  The damages (due to the hotter planet) in each of the future years from the ton of CO2 emitted today will then be discounted back to the present based on some discount rate.  How that works will be discussed below, along with a review of the debate on what the appropriate discount rate should be.  The discount rate used is important, as the estimates for the SCC will be highly sensitive to the rate used.

It is important also to be clear that while there may well be (and indeed normally will be) additional emissions of CO2 from the given source in future years, the SCC counts only the cost of a ton emitted in the given year. That is, the SCC is the cost of the damages resulting from a single ton of CO2 emitted once, at some given point in time.

In very summary form, the process of estimating the SCC will require a sequence of steps, starting with an estimation of how much CO2 concentrations in the atmosphere will rise per ton of CO2 released into the air.  It will then require estimates of what effect those higher CO2 concentrations will have on global surface temperatures in each future year; the year by year damages (in economic terms) that will be caused by the hotter climate; and then the sum of that series of damages discounted back to the present to provide a figure for what the total cost to society will be when a unit of CO2 is released into the air.  That sum is the SCC.  The discussion that follows will elaborate on each of those steps, where an integrated model (called an Integrated Assessment Model, or IAM) is normally used to link all those steps together.  The IWG in fact used three different IAMs, each run with values for various parameters that the IWG provided in order to ensure uniform assumptions.  This provided a range of ultimate estimates.  It then took a simple average of the values obtained across the three models for the final SCC values it published.  The discussion below will elaborate on all of this.

a)  Step One:  The impact on CO2 concentrations from a release of a unit of CO2, and the impact of those higher concentrations on global temperatures

The first step is to obtain an estimate of the impact on the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere (now and in all future years) from an additional ton of CO2 being emitted in the given initial year.  This is straightforward, although some estimate will need to be made on the (very slow) pace at which the CO2 will ultimately be removed from the atmosphere in the centuries to come.  While there are uncertainties here, this will probably be the least uncertain step in the entire process.

From the atmospheric concentrations of CO2 (and other greenhouse gases, based on some assumed scenario of what they will be), an estimate will then need to be made of the impact on global temperatures following from the higher concentration of CO2.  A model will be required for this, where a key parameter is called the “equilibrium climate sensitivity”.  This is defined as how far higher global temperatures would ultimately increase (over a 100 to 200-year time horizon) should the CO2 concentration in the atmosphere rise to double what it was in the pre-industrial era.  Such a doubling would bring it to a concentration of roughly 550 ppm (parts per million).

There is a fair degree of consensus that the direct effect of a doubling of the CO2 concentration in the atmosphere would increase global average surface temperatures by about 1.2°C.  However, there will then be feedback effects, and the extent and impact of those feedback effects are highly uncertain.  This was modeled in the IWG work as a probability distribution for what the equilibrium climate sensitivity parameter might be, with a median and variation around that median based on a broad assessment made by the IPCC on what those values might be.  Based on the IPCC work, the IWG assumed that the median value for the parameter was that global average surface temperatures would increase by 3.0°C over a period of 100 to 200 years should the CO2 concentration in the atmosphere rise to 550 ppm and then somehow kept there.  They also assumed that the distribution of possible values for the parameter would follow what is called a Roe & Baker distribution (which will be discussed below), and that there would be a two-thirds probability that the increase would be between 2.0 °C and 4.5 °C over the pre-industrial norm.

The increase from the 1.2°C direct effect to the 3.0°C longer-term effect is due to feedback effects – which are, however, not well understood.  Examples of such feedback effects are the increased absorption of sunlight by the Arctic Ocean – thus warming it – when more of the Arctic ice cover has melted (as the snow on the ice cover is white and reflects light to a much greater extent than dark waters); the release of methane (a highly potent greenhouse gas) as permafrost melts; the increased number of forest fires releasing CO2 as they burn, as forests dry out due to heat and drought as well as insect invasions such as from pine bark beetles; and other such effects.

Based on this assumed probability distribution for how high global temperatures will rise as a consequence of a higher concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere, the IWG ran what are called “Monte Carlo simulations” for what the resulting global temperatures might be.  While the mean expected value was that there would be a 3.0°C rise in temperatures should the CO2 concentration in the atmosphere rise to 550 ppm, this is not known with certainty.  There is variation in what it might be around that mean.  In a Monte Carlo simulation, the model is repeatedly run (10,000 times in the work the IWG did), where for each run certain of the parameter values (in this case, the climate sensitivity parameter) are chosen according to the probability distribution assumed.  The final estimate used by the IWG was then a simple average over the 10,000 runs.

b)  Step Two:  The damage from higher global temperatures on economic activity

Once one has an estimate of the impact on global temperatures one will need an estimate of the impact of those higher temperatures on global output.  There will be effects both directly from the higher average temperatures (e.g. lower crop yields), but also from the increased frequency and/or severity of extreme weather events (such as storms, droughts in some places and floods in others, severe heat and cold snaps, and so on).  A model will be needed for this, and will provide an estimate of the impact relative to some assumed base path for what output would otherwise be.  The sensitivity of the economic impacts to those higher global temperatures is modeled through what are called “damage functions”.  Those damage functions relate a given increase in global surface temperatures to some reduction in global consumption – as measured by the concepts in the GDP accounts and often expressed as a share of global GDP.

Estimating what those damage functions might be is far from straightforward.  There will be huge uncertainties, as will be discussed in further detail below where the limitations of such estimates are reviewed.  The problem is in part addressed by focussing on a limited number of sectors (such as agriculture, buildings and structures exposed to storms, human health effects, the loss of land due to sea level rise and from increased salination, and similar).  However, in limiting which sectors are looked at, the possible impacts will not be exhaustive and hence will underestimate what the overall economic impacts might be.  They also do not include non-economic impacts.

In addition, the impacts will be nonlinear, where the additional damage in going from, say, a 2 degree increase in global temperatures to a 3 degree increase will be greater than in going from a 1 degree increase to 2 degrees.  The models in general try to incorporate this by allowing for nonlinear damage functions to be specified.  But note that a consequence (both here and elsewhere in the overall models) is that the specific SCC found for a unit release of CO2 into the air will depend on the base scenario assumed.  The base path matters, and any given SCC estimate can only be interpreted in terms of an extra unit of CO2 being released relative to that specified base path.  The base scenario being assumed should always be clearly specified, but it not always is.

c)  Step Three:  Discount the year-by-year damage estimates back to the starting date.  The SCC is the sum of that series.

The future year-by-year estimates of the economic value of the damages caused by the additional ton of CO2 emitted today need then to all be expressed in terms of today’s values.  That is, they will all need to be discounted back to the base year of when the CO2 was emitted.  More precisely, the models must all be run in a base scenario with the data and parameters as set for that scenario, and then run again in the same way but with one extra ton of CO2 emitted in the base year.  The incremental damage in each year will then be the difference in each year between the damages in those two runs.  Those incremental damages will then be discounted back to the base year.

The estimated value will be sensitive to the discount rate used for this calculation, and determining what that discount rate should be has been controversial.  That issue will be discussed below.  But for some given discount rate, the annual values of the damages from a unit of CO2 being released (over centuries) would all be discounted back to the present.  The SCC is then the sum of that series.

d)  The Models Used by the IWG, and the Resulting SCC Estimates

As should be clear from this brief description, modeling these impacts to arrive at a good estimate for the SCC is not easy.  And as the IWG itself has repeatedly emphasized, there will be a huge degree of uncertainty.  To partially address this (but only partially, and more to identify the variation that might arise), the IWG followed an approach where they worked out the estimates based on three different models of the impacts.  They also specified five different base scenarios on the paths for CO2 emissions, global output (GDP), and population, with their final SCC estimates then taken to be an unweighted average over those five scenarios for each of the three IAM models.  They also ran each of these five scenarios for each of the three IAM models for each of three different discount rates (although they then kept the estimates for each of the three discount rates separate).

The three IAM models used by the IWG were developed, respectively, by Professor William Nordhaus of Yale (DICE, for Dynamic Integrated Climate and Economy), by Professor Chris Hope of the University of Cambridge (PAGE, for Policy Analysis of the Greenhouse Effect), and by Professor Richard Tol of the University of Sussex and VU University Amsterdam (FUND, for Climate Framework for Uncertainty, Negotiation and Distribution).  Although similar in the basic approach taken, they produce a range of outcomes.

i)  The DICE Model of Nordhaus

Professor Nordhaus has developed and refined variants of his DICE model since the early 1990s, with related earlier work dating from the 1970s.  His work was pioneering in many respects, and for this he received a Nobel Prize in Economics in 2018.  But the prize was controversial.  While the development of his DICE model was innovative in the level of detail that he incorporated, and brought attention to the need to address the impacts of greenhouse gas emissions and the resulting climate change seriously, his conclusion was that limiting CO2 emissions at that time was not urgent (even though he argued it eventually would be needed).  Rather, he argued, an optimal approach would follow a ‘policy ramp’ with only modest rates of emissions reductions in the near term, followed by sharp reductions in the medium and long terms.  A primary driver of this conclusion was the use by Nordhaus of a relatively high discount rate – an issue that, as noted before, will be discussed in more depth below.

ii) The PAGE Model of Hope

The PAGE model of Professor Hope dates from the 1990s, with several updates since then.  The PAGE2002 version was used by Professor Nicholas Stern (with key parameters set by him, including the discount rate) in his 2006 report for the UK Treasury titled “The Economics of Climate Change” (commonly called the Stern Review).  The Stern Review came to a very different conclusion than Professor Nordhaus, and argued that addressing climate change through emissions reductions was both necessary and urgent.  Professor Nordhaus, in a 2007 review of the Stern Review, argued that the differences in their conclusions could all be attributed to Stern using a much lower discount rate than he did (which Nordhaus argued was too low).  Again, this controversy on the proper discount rates to use will be discussed below.  But note that the implications are important:  One analyst (Nordhaus) concluded that the climate change was not urgent and that it would be better to start with only modest measures (if any) and then ramp up limits on CO2 emissions only slowly over time.  The other (Stern) concluded that the issue was urgent and should be addressed immediately.

iii)  The FUND Model of Tol

Professor Tol, the developer of the FUND model, is controversial as he has concluded that “The impact of climate change is relatively small.”  But he has also added that “Although the impact of climate change may be small, it is real and it is negative.”  And while he was a coordinating lead author for the IPCC Fifth Assessment Report, he withdrew from the team for the final summary report as he disagreed with the presentation, calling it alarmist.  Unlike the other IAMs, the FUND model of Tol (with the scenarios as set by the IWG) calculated that the near-term impact of global warming resulting from CO2 emissions will not just be small but indeed a bit positive.  This could follow, in the “damage” functions that Tol postulated, from health benefits to certain populations (those living in cold climates) from a warmer planet and from the “fertilization” effect on plant growth from higher concentrations of CO2 in the air.

These assumptions, leading to an overall net positive effect when CO2 concentrations are not yet much higher than they are now, are, however, controversial.  And Tol admitted that he left out certain effects, such as the impacts of extreme weather events and biodiversity loss.  In any case, the net damages ultimately turn negative even in Tol’s model.

While Tol’s work is controversial, the inclusion of the FUND model in the estimation of the SCC by the IWG shows that they deliberately included a range of possible outcomes in modeling the impacts of CO2 emissions on climate change.  The Tol model served to indicate what a lower bound on the SCC might be.

iv)  The Global Growth Scenarios and the Resulting SCC Estimates

While the IWG made use of the DICE, PAGE, and FUND models, it ran each of these models with a common set of key assumptions specifically on 1)  the equilibrium climate sensitivity parameter (expressed as a probability distribution and discussed above); 2)  each of five different scenarios on what baseline global growth would be; and 3)  each of three different social discount rate assumptions.  Thus while the IWG used three IAMs that others had created, the IWG’s estimates of the resulting SCC values will differ from what the creators of those models had themselves generated (as those creators of the IAMs have used their own set of assumptions for these different parameters and scenarios).  Thus the resulting SCC estimates of the IWG will differ from the SCC estimates one might see in reports on the DICE, PAGE, and FUND models.  The IWG used a common set of assumptions on these key inputs in order that the resulting SCC estimates (across the three IAM models) will depend only on differences in the modeled relationships, not on assumptions made on key inputs to those models.

The three IAM models were each run with five different baseline scenarios of what global CO2 emissions, GDP, and population might be year by year going forward.  For these, the IWG used four models (with the names IMAGE, MERGE, Message, and MiniCam), from a group of models that had been assembled under the auspices of the Energy Modeling Forum of Stanford University.  These models provided an internally consistent view of future global GDP, population, and CO2 emissions.  Specifically, they used the “business-as-usual” scenarios of those four models.

The IWG then produced a fifth scenario (based on a simple average of runs from each of the four global models just referred to) where the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere was kept from ever going above 550 parts per million (ppm).  Recall from above that at 550 ppm the CO2 concentrations would be roughly double the concentration in the pre-industrial era.  But one should note that there would still be CO2 being emitted in 2050 in these 550 ppm scenarios:  The 550 ppm ceiling would be reached only on some date after 2050 in this scenario.  These were therefore not net-zero scenarios in 2050, but ones with CO2 still being emitted in that year (although on a declining trajectory, and well below the emission levels of the “business as usual” scenarios).

Keep in mind also that a 550 ppm scenario is far from a desirable scenario in terms of the global warming impact.  As discussed above, such a concentration of CO2 in the air would be roughly double the concentration in the pre-industrial era, and the ultimate effect (the “equilibrium climate sensitivity”) of a doubling in CO2 concentration would likely be a 3.0°C rise in global average surface temperatures over that in the pre-industrial period (although with a great deal of uncertainty around that value).  This is well above the 2.0°C maximum increase in global surface temperatures agreed to in the 2015 Paris Climate Accords – where the stated goal was to remain “well below” a 2.0°C increase, and preferably to stay below a 1.5°C rise.  (In the estimates of at least one official source – that of the Copernicus Climate Change Service of the EU – global average surface temperatures had already reached that 1.5°C benchmark in July and again in August 2023, over what they had averaged in those respective months in the pre-industrial, 1850 to 1900, period.  For the year 2022 as a whole, global average surface temperatures were 1.2°C higher than in the pre-industrial period.)  The Paris Accords have been signed by 197 states (more than the 195 UN members).  And of the 197 signatories, 194 have ratified the accord.  The three exceptions are Iran, Libya, and Yemen.

To determine the incremental damages due to the release of an additional ton of CO2 into the air in the base period, the IAM models were run with all the inputs (including the base path levels of CO2 emissions) of each of these five global scenarios, and then run again with everything the same except with some additional physical unit of CO2 emitted (some number of tons) in the base year.  The incremental damages in each year would then be the difference in the damages between those two runs.  Those incremental damages in each year (discounted back to the base year) would then be added up and expressed on a per ton of CO2 basis.  That sum is the SCC.

Due to the debate on what the proper discount rate should be for these calculations, the IWG ran each of the three IAM models under each of the five global scenarios three sets of times:  for discount rates of 5.0%, 3.0%, and 2.5%, respectively.  Thus the IWG produced 15 model runs (for each of the 3 IAMs and 5 global scenarios) for each of the 3 discount rates, i.e. 45 model runs (and actually double this to get the incremental damages due to an extra ton of CO2 being emitted).  For each of the three discount rates, they then took the SCC estimate to be the simple average of what was produced over the 15 model runs at that discount rate.

Actually, there were far more than 15 model runs for each of the three discount rates examined.  As noted above, the “equilibrium climate sensitivity” parameter was specified not as a single – known and fixed – value, but rather as a probability distribution, where the parameter could span a wide range but with different probabilities on where it might be (high in the middle and then falling off as one approached each of the two extremes).  The PAGE and FUND models also specified certain of the other relationships in their models as probability distributions.  The IWG therefore ran each of the models via Monte Carlo simulations, as was earlier discussed, where for each of the five global scenarios and each of the three IAMs and each of the three discount rates, there were 10,000 model runs where the various parameters were selected in any given run based on randomized selections consistent with the specified probability distributions.

Through such Monte Carlo simulations, they could then determine what the distribution of possible SCC values might be – from the 1st percentile on the distribution at one extreme, through the 50th percentile (the median), to the 99th percentile at the other extreme, and everything in between.  They could also work out the overall mean value across the 10,000 Monte Carlo simulations for each of the runs, where the mean values could (and typically did) differ substantially from the median, as the resulting probability distributions of the possible SCCs were not symmetric but rather significantly skewed to the right – with what are known as “fat tails”.  The final SCC estimates for each of the three possible discount rates were then the simple means over the values obtained for the three IAM models, five global scenarios, and 10,000 Monte Carlo simulations (i.e. 150,000 for each, and in fact double this in order to obtain the incremental effect of an additional ton of CO2 being emitted).

The resulting SCC estimates could – and did – vary a lot.  To illustrate, this table shows the calculated estimates for the SCC for the year 2010 (in 2007 dollars) from the 2010 initial report of the IWG:

The results are shown for each of three IAMs (DICE, PAGE, and FUND), each of the five global scenarios, and each of the three discount rates (5.0%, 3.0%, and 2.5%).  The final column shows what the SCC would be at the 95th percentile of the distribution when a discount rate of 3.0% is used.  Each of the values in the first three columns of the tables are the simple averages over the 10,000 Monte Carlo runs for each of the scenarios.

The SCCs for 2010 (in 2007$) are then the simple averages of the figures in this table for each of the three discount rates (i.e. the simple averages of each of the columns).  As one can confirm by doing the arithmetic, the average at a discount rate of 5.0% is $4.7 per ton of CO2, at a discount rate of 3.0% it is $21.4, and at a discount rate of 2.5% it is $35.1.

The values of the SCC shown in the table obviously span a very broad range, and that range will not appear when the simple averages across the 15 cases (from three IAMs and five global scenarios) are the only figures people pay attention to.  The IWG was clear on this, and repeatedly stressed the uncertainties, but the broad ranges in the underlying figures do not inspire confidence.  A critic could pick and choose among these for a value supportive of whatever argument they wish to make.  Under one model and one global scenario and one discount rate the SCC in 2010 is estimated to be a negative $2.7 per ton of CO2 (from the FUND model results, which postulated near-term net benefits from a warming planet).  Under a different set of assumptions, the SCC estimate is as high as $65.5 per ton.  And much of that variation remains even if one limits the comparison to a given discount rate.

The figures in the table above also illustrate the important point that the SCC estimate can only be defined and understood in terms of some scenario of what the base path of global GDP and population would otherwise be, and especially of what the path of CO2 (and other greenhouse gas) emissions would be.  In scenarios where CO2 emissions are high (e.g. “business as usual” scenarios), then damages will be high and the benefit from reducing CO2 emissions by a unit will be high.  That is, the SCC will be high.  But in a scenario where steps are taken to reduce CO2 emissions, then the damages will be less and the resulting SCC estimate will be relatively low.  This is seen in the SCC estimates for the “550 average” scenarios in the table, which are lower (for each of the IAMs and each of the discount rates) than in the four “business as usual” scenarios.

The paradox in this, and apparent contradiction, is that to reduce CO2 emissions (so as to get to the 550 ppm scenario) one will need a higher – not a lower – cost assigned to CO2 emissions.  But the contradiction is apparent only.  If one were able to get on to a path of lower CO2 emissions over time, then the damages from those CO2 emissions would be smaller and the SCC in such a scenario would be lower.  The confusion arises because the SCC is not a measure of what it might cost to reduce CO2 emissions, but rather a measure of the damage done (in some specific scenario) from such emissions.

Finally, such SCC estimates were produced in the same manner for CO2 that would be released in 2010, or in 2020, or in 2030, or in 2040, or in 2050.  The SCC of each would be based on emissions in that specified individual year, based on the resulting damages going forward from that year.  The values of the SCC in individual intervening years were then simply interpolated between the decennial figures.  Keep in mind that these SCC values will be the SCC of one ton of CO2 – released once, not each year – in that specified year.  The resulting SCC estimates are not the same over time but rather increase as world population and GDP are higher over time (at least in the scenarios assumed for these models).  With larger absolute levels of global GDP, damages in absolute terms for some estimated percentage of global GDP will be higher over time.  In addition, there will be the nonlinear impacts resulting from the increase over time of CO2 concentrations in the atmosphere, leading to greater damages and hence higher SCC values.

The resulting figures for the SCC in the estimates issued in February 2021, were then:

     Social Cost of CO2, 2020 to 2050 (in 2020 dollars per metric ton of CO2)

Year/Discount Rate

5.0%

3.0%

2.5%

3.0%

Average Average Average 95th Percentile
2020 $14 $51  $76 $152
2030 $19 $62  $89 $187
2040 $25 $73 $103 $225
2050 $32 $85 $116 $260

Of these figures, the IWG recommended that the SCC values at the 3.0% discount rate should normally be the ones used as the base case by analysts (e.g. $51 per ton for CO2 emitted in 2020).  The other SCC values might then be of use in sensitivity analyses to determine the extent to which any conclusion drawn might depend on the discount rate assumed.  As noted before, these February 2021 estimates are the same as those issued in 2016, but adjusted to the 2020 general price level (where the earlier ones had all been in 2007 prices).

For those who have followed the discussion to this point, it should be clear that the process was far from a simple one.  And it should be clear that there will be major uncertainties, as the IWG has repeatedly emphasized.  Some of the limitations will be discussed next.

C.  Limitations of the SCC Estimates

While the methodology followed by the IWG in arriving at its estimates for the SCC might well reflect best practices in the field, there are nonetheless major limitations.  Among those to note:

a)  To start, and most obviously, the resulting SCC estimates still vary widely despite often using simple averages to narrow the ranges.  The figures for 2020 in the table above, for example, range from $14 per ton of CO2 (at a discount rate of 5%) to $76 (at a discount rate of 2.5%) – more than five times higher.  The IWG recommendation is to use the middle $51 per ton figure (at the 3% discount rate) for most purposes, but the wide range at different discount rates will lead many not to place a good deal of confidence in any of the figures.

Furthermore, estimates of the SCC have been made by others that differ significantly from these.  In the US government itself, the Environmental Protection Agency issued for public comment in September 2022 a set of SCC estimates that are substantially higher than the February 2021 IWG figures.  This was done outside of the IWG process – in which the EPA participates – and I suspect that either some bureaucratic politicking is going on or that this is a trial balloon to see the reaction.   For the year 2020, the EPA document has an SCC estimate of $120 per ton of CO2 at a discount rate of 2.5% – well above the IWG figure of $76 at a 2.5% discount rate.  The EPA also issued figures of $190 at a discount rate of 2.0% and $340 at a discount rate of 1.5%.  Various academics and other entities have also produced estimates of the SCC, that differ even more.

It can also be difficult to explain to the general public that an SCC estimate can only be defined in terms of some specified scenario of how global greenhouse gas emissions will evolve in the future.  Reported SCC values may differ from each other not necessarily because of different underlying models and parameter assumptions, but because they are assuming different scenarios for what the base path of CO2 emissions might be.

These differences in SCC estimates should not be surprising given the assumptions that are necessary to estimate the SCC, as well as the difficulties.  But the resulting reported variation undermines the confidence one may have in the specific values of any such estimates.  The concept of the SCC is clear.  But it may not be possible to work out a good estimate in practice.

b)  As a simple example of the uncertainties, it was noted above that the IAM models postulate a damage function for the relationship between higher global temperatures and the resulting damage to global output.  It is difficult to know what these might be, quantitatively.  The more detailed IAM models will break this down by broad sectors (e.g. agriculture, impacts on health, damage to structures from storms, etc.), but these are still difficult to assess quantitatively.  Consider, for example, making an estimate of the damage done last year – or any past year – as a consequence of higher global temperatures.  While we know precisely what those temperatures were in those past years (so there is no uncertainty on that issue), estimates will vary widely of the damage done as a consequence of the higher temperatures.  Different experts – even excluding those who are climate skeptics – can arrive at widely different figures.  While we know precisely what happened in the past, working out all the impacts of warming temperatures will still be difficult.  But the IAM models need to estimate what the damages would be in future years – and indeed in distant future years – when there is of course far greater uncertainty.

Note also that the issue here is not one of whether any specific extreme weather event can be attributed with any certainty to higher global temperatures.  While the science of “extreme event attribution” has developed over the last two decades, it is commonly misunderstood.  It is never possible to say with certainty whether any particular extreme storm happened due to climate change and would not have happened had there been no climate change.  Nor is that the right question.  Weather is variable, and there have been extreme weather events before the planet became as warm as it is now.  The impact of climate change is rather that it makes such extreme weather events more likely.

Consider, for example, the impact of smoking on lung cancer.  We know (despite the denial by tobacco companies for many years) that smoking increases the likelihood that one will get lung cancer.  This is now accepted.  Yet we cannot say with certainty that any particular smoker who ends up with lung cancer got it because he or she smoked.  Lung cancers existed before people were smoking.  What we do know is that smoking greatly increases the likelihood a smoker will get cancer, and we can make statistical estimates of what the increase in that likelihood is.

Similarly, we cannot say for certain that any particular extreme weather event was due to climate change.  But this does not justify conservative news outlets proclaiming that since we cannot prove this for an individual storm, that therefore we have no evidence on the impact of climate change.  Rather, just like for smoking and lung cancer, we can develop estimates of the increased likelihood of this happening, and from this work out estimates of the resulting economic damages.  If, for example, climate change doubles the likelihood of some type of extreme weather event, then we can estimate that half of the overall damages observed by such weather events in some year can be statistically attributed to climate change.

This is still difficult to do well.  There is not much data, and one cannot run experiments on this in a lab.  Thus estimates of the damages resulting from climate change – even in past years – vary widely.  But one needs such estimates of damages resulting from climate change for the SCC estimate – and not simply for past years (with all we know on what happened in the past) but rather in statistical terms for future years.

c)  It would be useful at this point also to distinguish between what economists call “risk” and what they call “uncertainty”.  This originated in the work of Frank Knight, with the publication of his book “Risk, Uncertainty and Profit” in 1921.  And while not commonly recognized as often, John Maynard Keynes introduced a similar distinction in his “A Treatise on Probability”, also published in 1921.

As Knight defined the terms, “risk” refers to situations where numerical probabilities may be known mathematically (as in results when one rolls dice) or can be determined empirically from data (from repeated such events in the past).  “Uncertainty”, in contrast, refers to situations where numerical probabilities are not known, and possibly cannot be known.  In situations of risk, one can work out the relative likelihood that some event might occur.  In situations of uncertainty, one cannot.

In general language, we often use these terms interchangeably and it does not really matter.  But for certain situations, the distinction can be important.

Climate change is one.  There is a good deal of uncertainty about how the future climate will develop and what the resulting impacts might be.  And while certain effects are predictable as a consequence of greenhouse gas emissions (and indeed we are already witnessing this), there are likely to be impacts that we have not anticipated,  That is, for both the types of events that we have already experienced and even more so for the types of events that may happen in the future as the planet grows warmer, there is “uncertainty” (in the sense defined by Knight) on how common these might be and on what the resulting damages might be.  There is simply a good deal of uncertainty on the overall magnitude of the economic and other impacts to expect should there be, say, a 3.0 °C increase in global temperatures.  However, the IAMs have to treat these not as “uncertainties” in the sense of Knight, but rather as “risks”.  That is, the IAMs assume a specific numerical relationship between some given temperature rise and the resulting impact on GDP.

The IAMs need to do this as otherwise they would not be able to arrive at an estimate of the SCC.  However, one should recognize that a leap is being made here from uncertainties that cannot be known with any assurance to treatment as if they are risks that can be specified numerically in their models.

d)  Thus the IAMs specify certain damage functions to calculate what the damages to the planet will be for a given increase in global temperatures. The difficulty, however, is that there is no data that can be used to assess this directly.  The world has not seen temperatures at 3.0°C above what they were in the pre-industrial era (at least not when modern humans populated the world).  The economists producing the IAMs consulted various sector experts on this, but one needs to recognize that no one really knows.  It can only be a guess.

But the IAMs need something in order to come up with an estimate of the SCC.  So after reviewing what has been published and consulting with various experts, those developing the IAMs arrived at some figure on what the damages might be at some given increase in global temperatures.  They expressed these in “consumption-equivalent” terms, which would include both the direct impact on production plus some valuation given (in some of the models using a “willingness-to-pay” approach) to impacts on non-marketed goods (such as adverse impacts on ecosystems – environmentalists call these existence values).

And while it is not fully clear whether and how the IAM models accounted for this, in principle the damages should also include damages to the stock of capital resulting from a higher likelihood of severe storm events.  For example, if Miami were to be destroyed by a particularly severe hurricane made more likely due to a warming planet, the damages that year should include the total capital value of the lost buildings and other infrastructure, not just the impact on Miami’s production of goods and services (i.e. its GDP) that year.  GDP does not take into account changes in the stock of capital.  (And while Miami was used here as an example, the calculation of the damages would in fact be for all cities in the world and expressed probabilistically for the increase in the likelihood of such events happening somewhere on the planet in any given year in a warmer world.)

Based on such damage estimates (or guesses), they then calibrated their IAM models to fit the assumed figures.  While I have expressed these in aggregate terms, in the models such estimates were broken down in different ways by major sectors or regions.  For example, the DICE model (in the vintage used by the IWG for its 2010 estimates) looked at the impacts across eight different sectors (impacts such as on agriculture, on human health, on coastal areas from sea level rise, on human settlements, and so on).  The PAGE model broke down the relationships into eight different regions of the world but with only three broad sectors.  And the FUND model broke the impacts into eight economic sectors in 16 different regions of the world.  FUND also determined the damages not just on the level of the future temperatures in any given year, but also on the rate of change in the average temperatures prior to that year.

The impacts were then added up across the sectors and regions.  However, for the purposes of the discussion here, we will only look at what the three IAMs postulated would be the overall damages from a given temperature rise.

The IAM developers calibrated their damage functions to match some assumed level of damages (as a share of GDP) at a given increase in global temperatures.  Damages at an increase of 3.0°C may have been commonly used as an anchor, and I will assume that here, but it could have been at some other specific figure (possibly 2.0°C or 2.5°C).  They then specified some mathematical relationship between a given rise in temperatures and the resulting damages, and calibrated that relationship so that it would go through the single data point they had (i.e. the damages at 3.0°C, or whatever anchor they used).  This is a bit of over-simplification (as they did this separately by sector and possibly by region of the world, and then aggregated), but it captures the essence of the approach followed.

The IWG, in its original 2010 Technical Support Document, provided this chart for the resulting overall damages postulated in the IAM models (as a share of GDP) for temperatures up to 4.0 °C above those in the pre-industrial era, where for the purposes here the scenarios used correspond to the default assumptions of each model:

The curves in red, blue, and green are, respectively, for the DICE, PAGE, and FUND models (in the vintages used for the 2010 IWG report).  And while perhaps difficult to see, the dotted blue lines show what the PAGE model estimated would be the 5th and 95th percentile limits around its mean estimate.  It is obvious that these damage functions differ greatly.  As the IWG noted:  “These differences underscore the need for a thorough review of damage functions”.

The relationships themselves are smooth curves, but that is by construction.  Given the lack of hard data, the IAMs simply assumed there would be some such smooth relationship between changes in temperatures and the resulting damages as a share of GDP.  In the DICE and PAGE models these were simple quadratic functions constrained so that there would be zero damages for a zero change in temperatures.  (The FUND relationship was a bit different to allow for the postulated positive benefits – i.e. negative losses –  at the low increases in temperatures.  It appears still to be a quadratic, but shifted from the origin.)

A quadratic function constrained to pass through the origin and then rise steadily from there requires only one parameter:  Damages as a share of GDP will be equal to that parameter times the increase in global temperatures squared.  For the DICE model, one can easily calculate that the parameter will equal 0.278.  Reading from the chart (the IWG report did not provide a table with the specific values), the DICE model has that at a 3.0°C increase in temperatures (shown on the horizontal axis), the global damages will equal about 2.5% of GDP (shown on the vertical axis).  Thus one can calculate the single parameter from 0.278 = 2.5 / (3.0 x 3.0).  And one can confirm that this is correct (i.e. that a simple quadratic fits well) by examining what the predicted damages would be at, say, a 2.0°C temperature.  It should equal 0.278 x (2.0×2.0), which equals damages of about 1.1% of GDP.  Looking at the chart, this does indeed appear to be the damages according to DICE at a 2.0°C increase in global temperatures.

One can do this similarly for PAGE.  At a 3.0°C rise in temperatures, the predicted damages are about 1.4% of GDP.  The single parameter can be calculated from this to be 0.156.  The predicted damages at a 2.0°C increase in temperatures would then be about 0.6°C, which is what one sees in the chart.

So what will the damages be at, say, a 2.0°C rise in temperatures?  The DICE model estimates there will be a loss of about 1.1% of the then GDP; the PAGE model puts it at a loss of 0.6% of GDP; and the FUND model puts it at a gain of 0.6% of GDP.  This is a wide range, and given our experience thus far with a more modest increase in global temperatures, all look to be low.  In the face of such uncertainty, the IWG simply weighted each of the three models equally and calculated the SCC (for any given discount rate) as the simple average of the resulting estimates across the three models.  But this is not a terribly satisfactory way to address such uncertainty, especially across three model estimates that vary so widely.

If anything, the estimates are probably all biased downward.  That is, they likely underestimate the damages.  Most obviously, they leave out (and hence treat as if the damages would be zero) those climate change impacts where they are unable to come up with any damage estimates.  They will also of course leave out damages from climate change impacts that at this point we cannot yet identify.  We do not know what we do not know.  But even for impacts that have already been experienced at a more modest rise in global temperatures (such as more severe storms, flooding in some regions and drought in others, wildfires, extremely high heat waves impacting both crops and human health, and more) – impacts that will certainly get worse at a higher increase in global temperatures – the estimated impact of just 1.1% of GDP or less when temperatures reach 2.0°C over the pre-industrial average appears to be far too modest.

e)  The damage functions postulate that the damages in any given year can be treated as a “shock” to what GDP would have been in that year, where that GDP is assumed to have followed some predefined base path to reach that point.  In the next year, the base path is then exactly the same, and the damages due to climate change are again treated as a small shock to that predefined level of future GDP.  That is, the models are structured so that their base path of GDP levels will be the same regardless of what happens due to climate change, and damages are taken as a series of annual shocks to that base path.

[Side note:  The DICE model is slightly different, but in practice that difference is small.  It treats the shock to GDP as affecting not only consumption but also savings, and through this also what investment will be.  GDP in the next year will then depend on what the resulting stock of capital will be, using a simple production function (a Cobb-Douglas).  But this effect will be small.  If (in simple terms), consumption is, say, 80% of GDP and savings is 20%, and there is a 2% of GDP shock to what GDP would have been due to climate change with this split proportionally between consumption and savings, then savings will fall by 2% to 19.8% of GDP.  The resulting addition to capital in the next period will be reduced, but not by much.  The path will be close to what it would have been had this indirect effect been ignored.]

One would expect, however, that climate change will affect the path that the world economy will follow and not simply create a series of shocks to an unchanged base path.  And due to compounding, the impact of even a small change to that base path can end up being large and much more significant than a series of shocks to some given path.  For example, suppose that the base path growth is assumed to be 3.0% per year, but that due to climate change, this is reduced slightly to, say, 2.9% per year.  After 50 years, that slight reduction in the rate of growth would lead GDP to be 4.7% lower than had it followed the base path, and after 100 years it would be 9.3% lower.  Such a change in the path – even with just this illustrative very small change from 3.0% to 2.9% – will likely be of far greater importance than impacts estimated via a damage function constructed to include only some series of annual shocks to what GDP would be on a fixed base path.

It is impossible to say what the impact on global growth might be as a consequence of climate change.  But it is likely to be far greater than the reduction in growth used in this simple example, which assumed a change of just 0.1% per year.

f)  The damage functions also specify some simple global total for what the damages might be.  The distribution of those damages across various groups or even countries is not taken into account, and hence neither do the SCC estimates.  Rather, the SCC (the Social Cost of Carbon) treats the damages as some total for society as a whole.

Yet different groups will be affected differently, and massively so.  Office workers in rich countries who go from air-conditioned homes to air-conditioned offices (in air-conditioned cars) may not be affected by as much as others (other than higher electricity bills).  But farmers in poor countries may be dramatically affected by drought, floods, heat waves, salt-water encroachment on their land, and other possible effects.

This should not be seen as negating the SCC as a concept.  It is what it is.  That is, the SCC is a measure of the total impact, not the distribution of it.  But one should not forget that even if the overall total impact might appear to be modest, various groups might still be severely affected.  And those groups are likely in particular to be the poorer residents of this world.

g)  It is not clear that the best way to address uncertainty on future global prospects (the combination of CO2 emissions, GDP, and population) is by combining – as the IWG did –  four business-as-usual scenarios with one where some limits (but not very strong limits) are assumed to be placed on CO2 emissions.  These are different.  Rather, they could have estimated the SCC based on the business-as-usual scenarios (using an average) and then shown separately the SCC based on scenarios where CO2 emissions are controlled in various specified ways.

The IWG might not have done this as the resulting different sets of SCC estimates would likely have been even more difficult to explain to the public.  The ultimate bureaucratic purpose of the exercise was also to arrive at some estimate for the SCC that could be used as federal rules and regulations were determined.  For this they would need to arrive at just one set of estimates for the SCC.  Presumably this would need to be based on a “most likely” scenario of some sort.  But it is not clear to me that combining four “business-as-usual” scenarios with one where there are some measures to reduce carbon emissions would provide this.

The fundamental point remains that any given SCC estimate can only be defined in terms of some specified scenario on the future path of CO2 (and other greenhouse gas) emissions as well as the path of future GDP and population.  There will also be at least implicit assumptions being made on future technologies and other factors.  Clarity on the scenarios assumed is needed in order to understand what the SCC values mean and how any specific set of such estimates may relate to others.

h)  There is also a tremendous amount of uncertainty in how strong the feedback effects will be.  The IAM models attempted to incorporate this by assigning a probability distribution to the “equilibrium climate sensitivity” parameter, but there is essentially no data – only theories – on what that distribution might be.

Uncertainty on how strong such feedback effects might be is central to one of the critiques of the SCC concept.  But this is best addressed as part of a review of the at times heated debate on what discount rate should be used.  That issue will be addressed next.

D.  Discount Rates

CO2 emitted now will remain in the atmosphere for centuries.  Thus it will cause damage from the resulting higher global temperatures for centuries.  The SCC reflects the value, discounted back to the date when the CO2 is released into the air, of that stream of damages from the date of release to many years from that date.  Because of the effects of compounding over long periods of time, the resulting SCC estimate will be highly sensitive to the discount rate used.  If the discount rate is relatively high, then the longer-term effects will be heavily discounted and will not matter as much (in present-day terms).  The SCC will be relatively low.  And if the discount rate is relatively low, the longer-term effects will not be discounted by as much, hence they will matter more, and hence the SCC will be relatively high.

This was seen in the SCC estimates of the IWG.  As shown in the table at the end of Section B above, for CO2 that would be emitted in 2020 the IWG estimates that the SCC would be just $14 per ton of CO2 if a discount rate of 5.0% is used but $76 per ton if a discount rate of 2.5% is used – more than five times higher.  And while a 2.5% rate might not appear to be all that much different from a 3.0% rate, the SCC is $51 at a 3.0% rate.  The $76 per ton at 2.5% is almost 50% higher.  And all of these estimates are for the exact same series of year-by-year damages resulting from the CO2 emission:  All that differed was the discount rate used to discount back to the base year the stream of year-by-year damages.

Different economists have had different views on what the appropriate discount rate should be, and this became a central point of contention.  But it mattered not so much because the resulting SCC estimates differed.  They did – and differed significantly – and that was an obvious consequence.  But the importance of the issue stemmed rather from the implication for policy.  As was briefly discussed above, Professor William Nordhaus (an advocate for a relatively high discount rate) came to the conclusion that the optimal policy to be followed would be one where not much should be done directly to address CO2 emissions in the early years.  Rather, Nordhaus concluded, society should only become aggressive in reducing CO2 emissions in subsequent decades.  The way he put it in his 2008 book (titled A Question of Balance – Weighing the Options on Global Warming Policies), pp. 165-166:

“One of the major findings in the economics of climate change has been that efficient or ‘optimal’ policies to slow climate change involve modest rates of emission reductions in the near term, followed by sharp reductions in the medium and long terms.  We might call this the ‘climate-policy ramp’, in which policies to slow global warming increasingly tighten or ramp up over time.”

But while Nordhaus presented this conclusion as a “finding” of the economics of climate change, others would strongly disagree.  In particular, the debate became heated following the release in 2006 of the Stern Review, prepared for the UK Treasury.  As was briefly noted above, Professor Stern (now Lord Nicholas Stern) came to a very different conclusion and argued strongly that action to reduce CO2 and other greenhouse gas emissions was urgent as well as necessary.  It needed to be addressed now, not largely postponed to some date in the future.

Stern used a relatively low discount rate.  Nordhaus, in a review article published in the Journal of Economic Literature (commonly abbreviated as JEL) in September 2007, argued that one can fully account for the difference in the conclusions reached between him and Stern simply from the differing assumptions on the discount rate.  (He also argued he was right and Stern was wrong.)  While there was in fact more to it than only the choice of the discount rate, discount rates were certainly an important factor.

There have now been dozens, if not hundreds, of academic papers published on the subject.  And the issue in fact goes back further, to the early 1990s when Nordhaus had started work on his DICE models and William Cline (of the Peterson Institute for International Economics) published The Economics of Global Warming (in 1992).  It was the same debate, with Nordhaus arguing for a relatively high discount rate and Cline arguing for a relatively low one.

I will not seek to review this literature here – it is vast – but rather focus on a few key articles in order to try to elucidate the key substantive issues on what the appropriate discount rate should be.  I will also focus on the period of the few years following the issuance of the Stern Review in late 2006, where much of the work published was in reaction to it.

Nordhaus will be taken as the key representative of those arguing for a high discount rate.  Nordhaus’s own book on the issues (A Question of Balance) was, as noted, published in 2008.  While there was a technical core, Nordhaus also wrote portions summarizing his key points in a manner that should be accessible to a non-technical audience.  He also had a full chapter dedicated to critiquing Stern.  Stern and the approach followed in the Stern Review will be taken as the key representative of those arguing for a low discount rate.

In addition, the issue of uncertainty is central and critical.  Two papers by Professor Martin Weitzman, then of Harvard, were especially insightful and profound.  One was published in the JEL in the same September 2007 issue as the Nordhaus article cited above (and indeed with the exact same title:  “A Review of The Stern Review of the Economics of Climate Change“).  The other was published in The Review of Economics and Statistics in February 2009, and is titled “On Modeling and Interpreting the Economics of Catastrophic Climate Change”.

These papers will be discussed below in a section on Risk and Uncertainty.  They were significant papers, with implications that economists recognized were profoundly important to the understanding of discount rates as they apply to climate change and indeed to the overall SCC concept itself.  But while economists recognized their importance, they have basically been ignored in the general discussion on climate change and the role of discount rates – at least in what I have seen.  They are not easy papers to go through, and non-economists (and indeed many economists) will find the math difficult.

The findings of the Weitzman papers are important.  First, he shows that one should take into account risk (in the sense of Knight) and recognize that there are risks involved in the returns one might expect from investments in the general economy and in investments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.  The returns on each will vary depending on how things develop in the world – which we cannot know with certainty – but the returns on investments to reduce CO2 emissions will likely not vary in the same direction as returns on investments in the general economy.  Rather, in situations where there is major damage to the general economy due to climate change, the returns to investments that would have been made to reduce CO2 emissions would be especially high.  Recognizing this, the appropriate discount rate on investments to reduce CO2 emissions should be, as we will discuss below, relatively low.  Indeed, they will be close to (or even below) the risk-free rate of return (commonly taken to be in the range of zero to 1%).  This was addressed in Weitzman’s 2007 paper.

Second and more fundamentally, when one takes into account genuine uncertainty (in the sense of Knight) in the distribution of possible outcomes due to feedback and other effects (thus leading to what are called “fat tails”), one needs to recognize a possibly small, but still non-zero and mathematically significant chance of major or even catastrophic consequences if climate change is not addressed.  The properly estimated SCC would then be extremely high, and the discount rate itself is almost beside the point.  The key more practical conclusion was that with such feedback effects and uncertainties, any estimates of the SCC will not be robust:  They will depend on what can only be arbitrary assumptions on how to handle those uncertainties, and any SCC estimate will be highly sensitive to the particular assumptions made.  But the feedback effects and uncertainties point the SCC in the direction of something very high.  This was covered by Weitzman in his 2009 paper.

The Weitzman papers were difficult to work through.  In part for this reason, it is useful also to consider a paper published in 2010 authored by a group of economists at the University of Chicago.  The paper builds on the contributions of Weitzman but also explains the basic points of Weitzman from a different perspective.  The paper is still mathematical but complements the Weitzman papers well.  The authors are Professors Gary Becker, Kevin Murphy, and Robert Topel, all then at the University of Chicago.  Gary Becker has long been a prominent member of the faculty of economics at Chicago and has won a Nobel Prize in Economics.  This is significant, as some might assume Weitzman (at Harvard) was not taking seriously enough a market-based approach (where the assumption of Nordhaus and others was that the discount rate should reflect the high rate of return one could obtain in the equity markets).  The Chicago School of Economists is well known for its faith in markets, and the fact that Becker would co-author an article that fully backs up Weitzman and his findings is significant.

The paper of Becker and his co-authors is titled “On the Economics of Climate Policy”, and was published in the B.E Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy.  But it also has not received much attention (at least from what I have seen), possibly because the journal is a rather obscure one.

The sub-sections below will discuss, in order, Nordhaus and the arguments for a relatively high discount rate; Stern and the arguments for a relatively low discount rate; and the impact of risk and uncertainty.

a)  Nordhaus, and the arguments for a relatively high discount rate

Nordhaus, together with others who argued the discount rate should be relatively high, argue that the discount rate should be viewed as a measure of the rate at which an investment could grow in the general markets.  In A Question of Balance (pp. 169-170) he noted that in his usage, the terms “real return on capital”, “real interest rate”, “opportunity cost of capital”, “real return”, and “discount rate”, all could be used interchangeably.

One can then arrive, he argued, at an estimate of what the proper discount rate should be by examining what the real return on investments had been.  Nordhaus noted, for example, that the real, pre-tax, return on U.S. nonfinancial corporations over the previous four decades (recall that this book was published in 2008) was 6.6% per year on average, with the return over the shorter period of 1997 to 2006 equal to 8.9% per year.  He also noted that the real return on 20-year U.S. Treasury securities in 2007 was 2.7%.  And he said that he would “generally use a benchmark real return on capital of around 6 percent per year, based on estimates of rates of return from many studies” (page 170).

The specific discount rate used is important because of compound interest.  While in the calculation of the SCC the discount rate is used to bring to the present (or more precisely, the year in which the CO2 is emitted) what the costs from damages would be in future years if an extra ton of CO2 is emitted today, it might be clearer first to consider this in the other direction – i.e. what an amount would grow to from the present day to some future year should that amount grow at the specified discount rate.

If the discount rate assumed is, say, 6.0% per annum, then $1 now would grow to $18.42 in 50 years.  In 100 years, that $1 would grow to $339.30.  These are huge.  The basic argument Nordhaus makes is that one could invest such resources in the general economy today, earn a return such as this, and then in the future years use those resources to address the impacts of climate change and/or at that point then make the investments required to stop things from getting worse.  One could, for example, build tall sea walls around our major cities to protect them from the higher sea level.  If the cost to address the damages arising from climate change each year going forward is less than what one could earn by investing those funds in the general economy (rather than in reducing CO2 emissions), then – in this argument – it would be better to invest in the general economy.  The discount rate (the real return on capital) defines the dividing line between those two alternatives.  Thus by using that discount rate to discount the stream of year-by-year damages back to the present, one can determine how much society should be willing to pay for investments now that would avoid the damages arising from an extra ton of CO2 being emitted.  The sum of that stream of values discounted at this rate is the SCC.

There are, however, a number of issues.  One should note:

i)  While it is argued that the real return on capital (or real rate of interest, or similar concept) should be used as an indication of what the discount rate should be, there are numerous different asset classes in which one can invest.  It is not clear which should be used.  It is generally taken that US equity markets have had a pre-tax return of between 6 and 7% over long periods of time (Nordhaus cites the figure of 6.6%), but one could also invest in highly rated US Treasury bonds (with a real return of perhaps 2 to 3%), or in essentially risk-free short-term US Treasury bills (with a real return on average of perhaps 0 to 1%).  There are of course numerous other possible investments, including in corporate bonds, housing and land, and so on.

The returns vary for a reason.  Volatility and risk are much higher in certain asset classes (such as equities) than in others (such as short-term Treasury bills).  Such factors matter, and investors are only willing to invest in the more volatile and risky classes such as equities if they can expect to earn a higher return.  But it is not clear from this material alone how one should take into account such factors when deciding what the appropriate comparator should be when considering the tradeoff between investments in reducing CO2 emissions and investments in “the general economy”.  And even if one restricted the choices just to equity market returns, it is not clear which equity index to use.  There are many.

ii)  The returns on physical investments (the returns that would apply in the Nordhaus recommendation of investing in the general economy as opposed to making investments to reduce CO2 emissions) are also not the same thing as returns on investments in corporate equities.  Corporations, when making physical investments, will fund those investments with a combination of equity capital and borrowed capital (e.g. corporate bonds, bank loans, and similar).  The returns on the equity invested might well be high, but this is because that equity was leveraged with borrowed funds paying a more modest interest rate.  Rather, if one believes we should focus on the returns on corporate investments, the comparison should be to the “weighted average cost of capital” (the weighted average cost of the capital invested in some project), not on returns on investments just in corporate equity.

iii)  Even if a choice were made and past returns were observed, there is no guarantee that future returns would be similar.  But it is the future returns that matter.

iv)  This is also all US-centric.  But the determination of the SCC is based on the global impacts, and hence the discount rate to use should be based not solely on how one might invest in the US but rather on what the returns might be on investments around the world.  The US equity markets have performed exceptionally well over the past several decades, while the returns in other markets have in general been less.  And some have been especially low.  The Japan Nikkei Index, for example, is (as I write this) still 15% below the value it had reached in 1989, over a third of a century ago.

v)  The US equity market has performed exceptionally well not solely because the actual returns on investments made by firms have been especially high, but also because the multiples that investors have become willing to pay for those earnings have risen sharply in recent decades.  Probably the best measure of those multiples was developed by Professor Robert Shiller of Yale (also a Nobel Laureate in Economics) called the Cyclically Adjusted Price Earnings (CAPE) Ratio.  The CAPE Ratio calculates the ratio of the value of the S&P 500 index to the inflation-adjusted earnings of the companies included in the S&P 500 index over the previous 10 years.  By taking a 10-year average (adjusted for inflation during those ten years), the CAPE ratio averages over the fluctuations in earnings that one will see as a result of the business cycle.

The CAPE ratio has on average risen significantly over time.  Investors are paying far higher multiples on given earnings now than they did earlier.  I used data for the CAPE Ratio for January 1 of each year, and ran simple ordinary least squares regressions over the relevant years (in logarithms) to calculate the trend growth rates (so these are not the growth rates simply from the given initial year to the given final year, but rather the trend over the full period).  I found that the increase in the multiple alone (as measured by the Shiller CAPE Ratio) contributed 2.2% points over the more than half-century from 1970 to 2023, and 2.6% points over the period from 1980 to 2023.  For the four decades prior to Nordhaus’s book of 2008 (where he said the equity markets generated a real return of 6.6% per year), the increase in the CAPE Ratio accounted for 2.4% points of the return to investors.  That is, the equity returns on the underlying investments (which is what Nordhaus is seeking to capture for his discount rate) rose only by 4.2% a year.  The rest was simply the effect of investors being willing to pay a higher multiple on those returns.

vi)  All this assumes corporations are operating in what economists call “perfectly competitive” markets, and that the equity valuations are based on such competition.  But for reasons of both changes in technology and in policy, markets have become less competitive over time.  Firms such as Facebook and Google have benefited from technologies supportive of “winner-take-all” markets (or perhaps “winner-take-most”), where due to network effects a few firms can generate extremely high returns with only low capital investment needs.  And policy in recent decades – followed by both parties in the US – has been supportive of industry consolidation (such as among the airlines, military contractors, national drug store and supermarket chains, and many more).  The resulting returns (reflected in equity prices) are then not necessarily reflective of investments per se, but rather also of greater market power that can be reflected in, for example, pricing.

The approach also leaves out the issue of uncertainty.  While this will be addressed in more detail below, one should recognize that due to risk (or uncertainty) one will rationally aim for an investment return that differs from some benchmark.  A firm will rationally aim for a relatively high rate of return on new projects it might invest in (using what is called a “hurdle rate”), even though on average they expect to earn a lower return.  Things happen and investments do not always work out, so while they might have a hurdle rate of, say, 15% in real terms for a project to be approved, they will be happy if, on average, such investments earn, say, 7% (with all these numbers just for illustration).  That is, they include a margin (15% rather than 7%) due to the risk that things will not work out as they hope.

This would be for projects producing something profitable or beneficial.  For CO2 emissions, in contrast, one is trying to reduce something that is bad.  In such a case, instead of discounting future returns at some higher rate, one would do the opposite and discount the future damages at some lower rate.  One cannot say by how much just with this simple thought experiment – one can only say that the appropriate discount rate would be less than the rate that would be used in the absence of risk and/or uncertainty.  Another way of thinking about the issue is that an insurance policy could be purchased (if a market for such insurance existed) to guard against the risk that the reduction in the “bad” (the global warming impacts from the CO2 emissions) will not be as large as what one had hoped from such investments.  Such insurance would have a cost that would be added to the SCC – leading to a higher SCC – and similar to what one would obtain with a lower discount rate.

There are also other issues in the Nordhaus “climate ramp-up” approach, where building high sea walls later to protect coastal cities from rising sea levels is an example.  One issue is that this ignores distribution, and the fact that incomes vary enormously across different parts of the world.  It might be conceivable that cities such as New York or London or Tokyo could find the resources to address the consequences of rising sea levels by building high sea walls at some point a few decades from now, but it is hard to see that this would be possible in cities such as Dhaka or Lagos.  CO2 emissions have global consequences, but most of the emissions have come from the rich countries of the world and now China and India as well.  The poor will lose under the proposed strategy of delay.

One also needs to recognize that some of the consequences of a warming planet will be irreversible.  These are already underway:  Species are going extinct, coral reefs are dying, and many ecosystems are being permanently changed.  A strategy of waiting until later to get serious about reducing CO2 emissions in the ramp-up strategy cannot address irreversible consequences, even if the resources available are higher in the future.

Finally, one should note that at least certain politicians will very much welcome a recommendation that they can postpone serious investments to address climate change to some point in the future.  But there is no guarantee that when that future comes a few decades from now, they then will be any more willing to make the investments called for in the Nordhaus ramp-up strategy.  Many will likely then choose to “kick the can down the road” again.

What discount rate did Nordhaus himself use?  This is actually not as clear as it should be, but my conclusion is that Nordhaus in 2007/2008 used a declining discount rate starting at 6.5% for “2015” (which is in fact an average for the 10-year period from 2010 to 2019), and then declining in each 10-year period to reach 5.5% for 2055 and 4.5% for 2095 (with intermediate values as well).  These discount rates decline over time primarily, I believe, because he expects growth rates to decline for demographic reasons, as growth in the labor force slows and in some parts of the world actually falls.  The impact of declining growth over time on the discount rate will be discussed below.

But Nordhaus was inconsistent, with different values provided in his 2007 JEL article commenting on Stern and in his 2008 book A Question of Balance, even though both were supposedly from his DICE-2007 model.  I believe he made a mistake in the chart he included in his 2008 book.  But that is a side story and will be discussed in an annex at the end of this post.

The Trump administration decided on a social discount rate that was even higher than Nordhaus used, setting it at 7% and then keeping it there forever.  As was noted above, in 2017 they issued revised guidance on what the SCC should be (as the federal government was required to have something), but what they issued was basically a farce.  First, they decided that a discount rate of 7% in real terms should be used.  While OMB had issued guidance in 2003 that a 7% discount rate should be used in assessing certain federal regulations and investments, they in fact said that rates of both 3% and 7% should be used as different scenarios.  These would bracket, they believed, what the proper rate might be, which was uncertain.  But the OMB guidance was for these discount rates to be used in circumstances that are quite different from what would be appropriate for addressing the costs of CO2 emissions.  For example, they assumed a maximum time horizon of 30 years, while CO2 in the atmosphere will be there for centuries.

This high discount rate of 7%, by itself, would bring the SCC down into the single digits.  As noted above, the IWG estimates for 2020 (and in 2020$) were $51 at a discount rate of 3% and $14 at a discount rate of 5%.  At 7%, they would likely be far below $10.  And second, the Trump administration decided that the impacts of the CO2 emissions on only the US would be counted.  Yet the impacts are global.  If every country counted only the impacts on itself and ignored the costs they were imposing on others, the SCC estimates would range from the small (for the largest countries, as even the US only accounts for about 20% of world GDP) to the minuscule (for most countries, as their economies are not at all large as a share of world GDP).  Every country might have an SCC, but by ignoring the costs they are imposing on others all would be gross underestimates.  They would be useless as a guide to policy, which was, of course, likely the intention of the Trump administration.

Based on the discount rates he used, Nordhaus arrived at an estimate for the SCC of about $7.40 per ton of CO2 emitted in 2005 and in 2005$.  This would be equivalent to $9.63 per ton of CO2 in 2020$.  (Note that Nordhaus normally presented his SCC estimates in terms of $ per ton of carbon, i.e. of C and not of CO2.  This can be confusing, but the convention of expressing the SCC in terms of $ per ton of CO2 was not yet as widespread in 2008 as it is now.  But one can convert from the price per ton of C to the price per ton of CO2 by dividing by 3.666, as that equals the ratio of the molecular weight of CO2 to that of C.  The molecular weight of carbon, C, is 12; that of oxygen, O, is 16; so CO2 = 12 + 2×16 = 44, and 44/12 = 3.666.)

This SCC of $9.63 per ton of CO2 in 2020$ is, however, the SCC he calculated that should apply for emissions in 2005.  This would then grow (or “ramp up”) over time.  For his 2008 book, he showed estimates for emissions in 2005, 2015, 2025, and so on for every 10 years.  Taking the simple average of his figures for 2015 and 2025 to approximate what it would be for emissions made in 2020, and converting the figures into CO2 terms and in 2020$ (using the US GDP deflator), the estimate of Nordhaus for the SCC in 2020 would be $16.91.  This is actually a bit above the IWG estimate for emissions in 2020 (and in 2020$) of $14 at a discount rate of 5%.  As noted above, Nordhaus used a discount rate that started at 6.5% but fell to 4.5% a century later (and presumably further beyond a century, although no figures were given by Nordhaus in what I could find).

Based on this “ramp up” strategy where serious investments to address climate change (and the consequences of climate change) would be deferred to later, Nordhaus worked out what he termed an “optimal” path for CO2 emissions, the resulting concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere, and the resulting increase in global temperatures.  On this “optimal” path – as he viewed it – the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere would peak at 680 ppm in the year 2175, and global temperatures would peak soon thereafter at about 3.5 °C over the pre-industrial average.

Many would view a 3.5°C increase in temperatures as dangerous, far too high, and quite possibly disastrous.  It would be far above the goals of the Paris Accords that global temperatures should not be allowed to rise above 2.0°C, and that efforts should be made to limit the increase to 1.5°C or less.

b)  Stern, and the arguments for a relatively low discount rate

Lord Stern, in contrast to Nordhaus and others arguing for equating the discount rate to some market comparator, approached the issue of discounting by starting from first principles.  In economics, the classic paper that derived the basis for social discounting was “A Mathematical Theory of Saving”, by Frank Ramsey, published in the Economic Journal in 1928.  Ramsey was a genius, primarily a mathematician focused on logic but who wrote three classic papers in economics.  All were ground-breaking.  But Ramsey tragically died at the age of 26 from an illness that is still not known with certainty, but may have been from a bacterial infection picked up from swimming in the River Cam at Cambridge.  He was made a fellow of King’s College, Cambridge, in 1924 at age 21 with John Maynard Keynes pulling strings to make it possible.  Keynes knew him well as an undergraduate (he received his BA at Cambridge in 1923) as Ramsey had pointed out problems with some aspects of Keynes’ A Treatise on Probability – and Keynes recognized Ramsey was probably right.  Even though he died at the young age of just 26, Ramsey made important contributions in a number of related fields.  A philosopher in 1999 coined the term “the Ramsey Effect”, which applied when a philosopher working on a discovery that they believed to be new and exciting, found out instead that Ramsey had already discovered it, and had presented it more elegantly.

For the social discount rate, Ramsey in his 1928 article showed that to maximize social benefits over time, the discount rate used should be equal to (in terms of the Greek letters typically used in modern presentations of it):

ρ = δ + η g

where ρ (the Greek letter rho) is the social discount rate on future returns; δ (delta) is the pure social rate of time preference, η (eta) is the elasticity of marginal utility with respect to increases in consumption (to be explained in a moment), and g is the expected growth rate (in per capita terms) of overall consumption by society.  It is variously referred to as the Ramsey Formula, Ramsey Equation, or Ramsey Rule.

Starting from the right:  g is the expected rate of growth over the relevant time period in society’s overall per capita consumption levels.  Stern, in his 2006 Review, used a value of 1.3% a year for this for the two centuries from 2001 to 2200.  He took this figure from the PAGE model of Professor Chris Hope (in its 2002 vintage) in a scenario where climate change is not addressed.  Some might view this as too high, particularly in such a scenario, but any figure over a two-century period is necessarily highly speculative.  Note that if the expected growth rate is slower, then the social discount rate will be lower, and one should not be discounting future returns (or damages resulting from CO2 emissions) by as much.

The symbol η stands for the negative of the elasticity of marginal utility with respect to increases in consumption.  Note that in most discussions of η, the “negative” is often left out.  This confused me until I saw a reference confirming they are really referring to the negative of the marginal utility with respect to increases in consumption, and not simply to the marginal utility.  Utility is assumed to increase with increases in consumption, but it will increase by less and less per unit of consumption as consumption goes up.  Hence the marginal utility of an extra unit of consumption will be falling and the elasticity (the percentage change in the marginal utility – a negative – with respect to the percentage change in consumption – a positive) will be negative.  And the negative of that negative elasticity of marginal utility will then be positive.  But almost always one will see references to that elasticity of marginal utility simply as if it were positive, and to conform with others, I will treat it that way here as well.

The welfare of society as a whole depends on how much it can sustainably produce and consume, but as the incomes of societies (as well as individuals) grow over time, the extra welfare from an extra dollar of consumption will, as noted, diminish.  That is, as societies grow richer, the marginal utility from an extra unit of consumption will be less.  This is certainly reasonable.  An extra dollar means more to a poor person (or a poor society) than to a rich one.

The elasticity of marginal utility is a measure of this curvature:  The rate at which the marginal benefits (the marginal utility) become less and less as per capita consumption goes up.  If that elasticity is equal to zero, then there would be no curvature and a dollar would be valued the same whether it went to someone rich or someone poor.  If that elasticity is equal to 1.0, then the marginal utility is twice as much if that dollar went to someone with only half the income rather than to a person with the higher income.  If that elasticity is equal to 2.0, then the marginal utility is four times as much if that dollar went to someone with only half the income rather than to a person with the higher income.  And so on for other values of this elasticity.

So what should one expect the value of that elasticity to be?  Keep in mind that this is for society as a whole, and fundamentally (Stern argues in his Review) it should be seen as a moral decision made by society.  And societies make decisions based on this – implicitly – in certain policies.  For example, decisions on the degree of progressivity in income tax rates across individuals (with higher-income individuals paying at higher rates) reflect an implicit decision on what that elasticity should be.

Keep in mind also that what is being examined here is changes in welfare or utility for society as a whole across generations.  There can also be distributional issues within a generation (and how they might change over time).  For a discussion of such issues, see the Technical Annex to Chapter 2 of the Stern Review.

But the basic issue being examined here is how much should we discount returns on investments that would be made at some cost today (that is, at some cost to the current generation) but with benefits to not just the current generation but to future generations as well (from reduced climate damage).  Those future generations will be better off than the current one – if per capita growth remains positive (as is assumed here, at a rate of 1.3% per year) – and hence the marginal utility of an extra dollar of consumption to them will be less than the marginal utility of an extra dollar of consumption now.  The η times g term captures this in the determination of the discount rate, where if growth is faster (a higher g), or the elasticity of marginal utility is greater (a higher η, so the marginal utility of an extra dollar is greater to a generation that is poorer), then future returns should be discounted more heavily.  And note that if η = zero (the limiting case where an extra dollar has the same marginal utility whether it goes to someone rich or to someone poor), then this term will be zero and drops out no matter the growth rate g.  But in the normal case where η has some value greater than zero, then one will place greater weight on the benefits to poorer societies and discount more heavily benefits that will accrue over time to societies that are richer than societies are now.

Stern argued for a value of 1.0 for η.  As noted before, with such a value a dollar of extra consumption going to someone (in this case a society) with half the income will be valued twice as highly as that dollar going to the richer society.  Others have argued that an appropriate estimate for what η is (i.e. not necessarily what they would want it to be, but what it is) would be more like 2.  But to be honest, no one really knows.  It should be a reflection of how society acts, but it is not safe to assume society is always acting rationally and for the good of the general public.  Politics matters.

The other term in the equation is δ.  This is the “pure rate of time preference”, and reflects what discount would be assigned to the welfare of future generations relative to the present one.  Note that this does not reflect that future generations may be better off:  The impact of that is already accounted for in the η times g term (where benefits to future generations are discounted to the extent their income is higher).  Rather, the pure rate of time preference would capture any additional reasons there might be to discount benefits accruing to future generations (or damages avoided).

Stern argues, reasonably, that the only reason for possibly treating future generations differently (aside from differences in per capita income – already addressed) is that future generations might not exist.  Everyone on the planet might have been destroyed in some future catastrophe (other than from climate change) by, for example, a nuclear war, or a large asteroid hitting the planet, or from a virus more deadly than Covid-19 leaking from a lab, or whatever.  If future generations might not exist (with some probability) then benefits to future generations that do not exist will not be worth anything, and based on the probability of this occurring, should be discounted.

There is no real way to determine what value should be placed on the δ, but Stern uses a value of 0.1%.  He says even that may be high.  One can calculate that at that rate, the probability of humanity surviving 100 years from now would be 90.5% (0.999 raised to the power of 100), and thus the probability of not surviving 9.5%.  Given that humanity has survived until now, that might appear high.  But we now have nuclear bombs, the ability to manipulate viruses in a lab, and other capabilities that we did not have all that long ago.

Others have argued that 0.1% figure Stern uses is far too low.  But it is not clear why they would argue that benefits to future generations should be discounted so heavily (aside from the impact of higher incomes – already accounted for), other than a possible end to future society.  If it is intended to reflect the possibility of life ending due to some catastrophe, then one can calculate that with, say, a 1.0% rate (rather than 0.1% rate) the probability of humanity surviving 100 years from now would only be 37% (0.99 raised to the power of 100), and the probability of not surviving therefore 63%.  For those advocating for a much higher pure rate of time preference – often even of 2% per annum – it does not appear that their focus is on the possible end of civilization sometime soon.  But it is not clear what else they have in mind as a justification for such a high pure rate of time preference.

It is important to keep in mind that these are values for society as a whole.  The pure rate of time preference for an individual would be quite different.  Individuals have a finite life:  Few of us will live to 100.  Hence it makes sense for us to discount the future more heavily.  But societies continue, and to treat future societies as if they were worth less than our current one is fundamentally, Stern argued, immoral.

Stern therefore used as his social discount rate 1.4% = 0.1% + 1.0 x 1.3%.  It differs significantly from the rates Nordhaus used (of 6.5% in the near-term declining to 4.5% a century from now).

Interestingly, Nordhaus himself sought to justify his much higher rates in terms of the Ramsey Formula.  But he did this by choosing parameters for the Ramsey Formula that would lead to the discount rates he had already decided to use.  For example (see page 61 of A Question of Balance) he noted that with a growth rate (g) of 2.0% per year, an elasticity for the marginal utility (η) of 2.0, and a pure rate of time preference (δ) of 1 1/2%, then one will get a social discount rate out of the Ramsey Formula of 5 1/2%.  This was the discount rate Nordhaus assumed for 2055.  But Nordhaus is choosing parameters to reproduce his chosen discount rate, not estimating what those parameters might be in order to arrive at an estimate of the social discount rate.

Nordhaus appears to have done this in part because his IAM model differs from others in that he allows for a bit of endogeneity in the rate of growth of the world economy.  As was discussed before, the future damages from a warming planet resulting from CO2 emissions affect, in his model, not only total output (GDP) but also the resulting savings and hence investment in the given year.  And lower investment then results in lower capital accumulation, leading to slightly lower GDP in subsequent years.  That is, there will be an effect on the rate of growth.  The effect will be small, as noted before, but something.

With this ability (by way of the Ramsey Formula, with particular parameters chosen) to adjust the discount rate to reflect changes in the rate of growth, Nordhaus then also had an easy way to calculate what the discount rate should be period-by-period to reflect a declining rate of growth in the baseline path (largely for demographic reasons I believe, due to the expected slowdown in growth in the global workforce).  The Ramsey Formula, with parameters chosen to fit his baseline discount rate of 5 1/2% in 2055 – a half-century from his start date of 2005 – could be used to provide a baseline path for what the discount rates would be (as shown, for example, in Figure 2 of his 2007 JEL article – discussed before).

But at least in what I have been able to find in A Question of Balance, Nordhaus does not provide a rationale for why the pure rate of time preference should be 1 1/2% or why the elasticity of marginal utility should be 2.0.  He spends a good deal of time criticizing the parameters Stern chose, but little on why the parameters should be what he chose.  The only rationale given is that with those parameters, one will get a base level for the discount rate of 5 1/2%.  He does note, however, that his model results do not vary too much based on what those parameters specifically are, as long as they would lead to his 5 1/2% in 2055.  That is, one parameter in the Ramsey Formula could be higher as long as the other is lower to balance it.  The basic results coming out of his model are then similar.

The SCC that follows from Stern’s social discount rate of 1.4% – along with all the other assumptions provided to the IAM model he used (the PAGE model of Professor Hope, in the 2002 variant) – was $85 per ton of CO2 in terms of year 2000 prices and for emissions in the year 2005 (I believe – he refers to it as “today” in his 2006 Review).  In terms of 2020 prices, this would be an SCC of $124 per ton of CO2.  Stern did not provide in his Review figures for what the SCC would be for emissions in years other than 2005 (“today”), but Nordhaus used his model to calculate what the SCC would be based on the social discount rate Stern used of 1.4%.  While not fully comparable, Nordhaus calculated that Stern’s SCC for emissions in 2020 would be just short of 50% higher than what it would be for emissions in 2005.  Applied to the $124 per ton for emissions in 2005, they would come to $186 per ton for emissions in 2020.

c)  Risk and Uncertainty

Risk and uncertainty enter into the determination of the social discount rate in multiple ways, but two are especially significant.  One follows from the recognition that variations in returns from investments in climate investments may well differ in direction from variations in returns in the general economy.  That is, when the return on one investment turns out to be high the return on the other may be expected to be low.  Hence there is value in diversifying.  This is not captured in the standard IAM models as they are fundamentally of one good only (“GDP”), where damages from climate change are expressed as some percentage reduction in that one good.

Second and more fundamentally, due to true uncertainties (in Knight’s sense) in systems where there are feedback effects, the possibility of catastrophic increases in temperatures and consequent impacts on the climate should not be ignored.  They typically are in IAM models.  Recognition of the possibility of a large increase in temperatures – with consequent severe climate impacts – implies that any calculated SCC will be extremely high if properly done, and also highly sensitive to the particular assumptions made on how to address these uncertainties.  That is, one should not expect the results coming out of the IAM models to be robust.

i)  Covariation in Returns:  CAPM Applies

Weitzman, in his 2007 JEL article, noted that IAM models typically treated the damages resulting from a warming planet to be some percentage of global output (GDP) at the time.  That is, the damages entered multiplicatively, and not much thought was evidently given to the implications of that model structure.

But one should recognize that we do not live in a one-good world (where everything is simply “GDP”), but rather one with a wide variety of goods.  And investments in different goods will have different returns, with returns that vary with how conditions in the world turn out.  In particular, it is useful to distinguish investments that will reduce CO2 (and other greenhouse gas) emissions from investments in the general economy.  If conditions in the world turn out to be one where climate impacts from a warming world are severe, then investments made today to reduce CO2 emissions could be especially valuable.

Becker, et al., stated it this way in their 2011 paper (pages 20-21):

climate projects are alleged to have the potential of averting disasters, so they may pay off precisely in states of the world where willingness to pay is greatest.  For example, if climate change may greatly reduce future productivity and living standards, or cause widespread harm and death in some states of nature, then projects that avert such outcomes may be highly valued even if the payoff is rare—they have low expected return but high market value because they pay off when mitigation of damage is most valuable.  [Two references to specific variables and equations in the paper were removed].

That is, it is good to diversify.  And this is then exactly the situation addressed in the standard Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM) for financial investments (a model developed in the early 1960s by William Sharpe, who received a Nobel Prize in Economics for this work).

A standard result following from the CAPM model is that in an efficient portfolio that balances risk and return, the expected return on an investment will equal the risk-free rate of return plus a term where a coefficient typically called β (beta) for that investment is multiplied times the difference between the overall market return (typically the return on the S&P500 Index for US markets) and the risk-free rate.  The relationship can be summarized as:

ERi  = Rfi (ERm − Rf )

where ERi is the expected return on investment of type i, Rf is the risk-free rate of interest, βi is the beta for investment of type i, and ERm is the expected return in the market as a whole.  This is the standard equation one will see with all descriptions of the CAPM.

The β in this equation reflects the covariation in the returns between that of the investment and that of the overall market (e.g. the returns for the S&P500 Index).  If β = 1.0, for example, then if the S&P500 goes up by, say, 10%, then one would expect that on average the capital value of this investment (and hence return on this investment) would also go up by 10%.  And if the S&P500 goes down by 10%, then one would expect the capital value of (and return on) this investment would also go down by 10%.  That is, it would be expected to match the market.  One could also have stocks with betas greater than 1.0.  In such a case one would expect them to go up and down by a greater percentage than what one sees in the S&P500.  Many tech stocks have a beta greater than 1.0.

If β = 0, then the returns do not covary – that is, they do not vary in the same direction.  Such investments can still earn returns, and normally of course will, but their returns do not move together with the variations in the returns in the overall market.  They are independent.  And if β = -1.0, then the variation in the returns is negative, where when the market goes up the capital value of such an investment will normally go down, and when the market goes down the value of this particular investment will go up.

This is all standard CAPM.  But Weitzman in his 2007 JEL article, and more explicitly Becker, et al. in their 2011 article, show that environmental investments can be treated in an exactly analogous way.  And that then results in the same type of equation for expected returns (i.e. discount rates) as one finds in the standard CAPM.  For the expected returns on investments to help reduce environmental damage, Becker, et al., derived:

re = rf +β (rm – rf)

where re is the returns on environmental investments (the discount rate to be used to discount future damages from CO2 emissions), rf is the risk-free rate of return, and rm is the rate of return for general investments in the economy.  The β in the equation is a measure of the extent of covariation between the returns on environmental investments with the returns on general investments in the economy.  (Note that Becker, et al., use in their analogous equation 11 a β that is the opposite sign of that which is normally used, so it appears in the equation as a negative rather than a positive.  Their reason for this is not clear to me, and the opposite sign is confusing.  But others treat it with the normal sign, and I have shown it that way here.)

From this basic equation, one can then look at a few special cases.  If, for example, β = 1.0 (as is implicitly assumed in the standard one-good IAM models of Nordhaus and others), then one has:

With β = 1.0, then re = rf +1.0x(rm – rf) = rf + rm – rf  = rm

That is, in circumstances where the returns on environmental investments go up or down together with the returns on general investments, then the discount rate to use is the general market rate of return.  That is what Nordhaus argued for.  And in the implicit one-good IAM models (everything is “GDP”), nothing is possible other than a β = 1.0.

If, however, the returns do not covary and β = 0, then:

With β = 0.0, then re = rf +0.0x(rm – rf) = rf  

In such circumstances, one should use the risk-free rate of return, i.e. perhaps 0 to 1% in real terms.  This is close to the rate Stern used, and even somewhat below, although arrived at in a different approach that recognizes the diversity in returns.

And if, at the other extreme, the returns covary inversely and β = -1.0, then:

With β = -1.0, then re = rf -1.0x(rm – rf) = 2rf – rm

The discount rate to use would be even lower – and indeed negative – at twice the risk-free rate minus the general market rate.

Which should be used?  Unlike for equity market returns – where we have daily, and indeed even more frequent, data that can be used to estimate how the prices of particular investments covary with changes in the S&P500 Index -, we do not have data that could be used to estimate the β for investments to reduce damage to the environment from CO2 emissions.  We have only one planet, and temperatures have not risen to what they will be in a few years if nothing is done to reduce CO2 emissions.  But as noted in the quotation taken from the Becker, et al., paper cited above, one should expect investments in actions to reduce CO2 emissions would prove to be especially valuable in conditions (future states of the world) where climate damage was significant and returns on general investments in fields other than the environment would be especially low.  That is, they would covary in a negative way:  the β would be negative.  By the standard CAPM equation, the discount rate that would follow for such environmental investments should then be especially low and even below the risk-free rate.

ii)  The Possibility of Catastrophic Climate Consequences Cannot Be Ignored When There Are Feedback Effects and “Fat Tails”

The other issue raised by Weitzman is that there are major uncertainties in our understanding of what will follow with the release of CO2 and other greenhouse gases, with this arising in part from feedback effects on which we know very little.  The implications of this were developed in Weitzman’s 2009 paper.  Weitzman specifically focused on the implications of what are called “fat-tailed” distributions – to be discussed below – but it is useful first to consider the impact of a very simple kind of uncertainty on what one would be willing to pay to avoid the consequent damages from CO2 emissions.  It illustrates the importance of recognizing uncertainty.  The impact is huge.

The example is provided in the paper of Becker, et al.  They first consider what society should be willing to pay to avoid damages that would start 100 years from now (and then continue from that date) equivalent to 1% of GDP, using a discount rate of 6% and a growth rate of 2%.  With certainty that damages equal to 1% of GDP would start 100 years from now and then continue, then by standard calculations one can show that it would be worthwhile in their example to pay today an amount equivalent to 0.45% of GDP to avoid this – or $118 billion in terms of our current US GDP of $26 trillion (where Becker, et al., use US GDP in their example although one should really be looking at this in terms of global GDP).

They then introduce uncertainty.  The only change that they make is that the damages of 1% of GDP could start at any date, but that the expected value of that date would remain the same at 100 years from now.  That is, on average it is expected to start 100 years from now, but there is an equal (and low) probability of it starting at any date.  That is, there is an equal probability of it starting in any year from now to 200 years from now.  The 1% of GDP damages would then continue from that uncertain date into the future.

With this single and simple example of uncertainty allowed for, Becker, et al., show that what society should be willing to pay to avoid those future damages is now far higher than when there was certainty on the arrival date.  Instead of 0.45% of GDP, society should be willing to pay 5.0% of GDP ($1.3 trillion at the current $26 trillion US GDP) with the otherwise same parameters.  This is more than 11 times as much as when there is certainty as to when the damages will start, even though the expected value of the date is unchanged.  This far higher amount of what one should be willing to pay to avoid those future damages is primarily a consequence of how discount rates and future discounting interact with the possibility that damages may start soon, even though the expected value of that date remains 100 years from now.

Keep in mind that this impact – that one would be willing to pay 11 times as much to reduce damages following from CO2 emissions –  arose from allowing for just one type of uncertainty.  There are many more.

The resulting SCC calculations will therefore be sensitive to how uncertainty is addressed (or not).  The standard approach of the IAM models is to ignore the possible consequences of events considered to have only a low probability (e.g. beyond, say, the 99th probability on some distribution), on the basis of an argument that we know very little about what might happen under such circumstances, and the probability is so low that we will not worry about it.

Such an assumption might be justified – with possibly little impact on the final result (i.e. on the value of the estimated SCC in this case) – if the probability distribution of those possible outcomes follows a path similar to what one would have in, for example, a Normal (Gaussian) Distribution.  Such distributions have what are loosely referred to as “thin tails”, as the probabilities drop off quickly.  But for matters affecting the climate, this is not a safe assumption to make.  There are feedback effects in any climate system, and those feedbacks – while highly uncertain – can lead to far higher probabilities of some extreme event occurring.  Distributions that follow when there are such feedback effects will have what are loosely referred to as “fat tails”.

An example of a fat-tailed distribution was already seen above in the discussion of the equilibrium climate sensitivity parameter used in standard IAMs.  That parameter is defined as how much global temperatures will increase as a consequence of a doubling of the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere, i.e. bringing it up to 550 ppm from where it was in pre-industrial times.

As was noted before, there is a general consensus that in the absence of feedback effects, such an increase in CO2 concentration in the air would lead to an increase in global temperatures of about 1.2°C.  But due to feedback effects, the equilibrium increase would be a good deal higher (after things would be allowed to stabilize at some higher temperature, in a scenario where the CO2 concentration was somehow kept flat at that higher concentration).  As was discussed above, after examining a number of studies on what the final impact might be, the Interagency Working Group decided to assume it would follow a specific type of probability distribution called a Roe & Baker distribution, with a median increase of 3.0°C, and with a two-thirds probability that the increase would be between 2.0°C and 4.5°C over the pre-industrial norm.

With parameters set to match those assumptions, the Roe & Baker Distribution would indicate that there is a 5% chance that the increase in global temperatures would be 7.14°C or more (that is, at the 95th percentile).  That is not terribly comforting:  It indicates that if CO2 is allowed to reach 550 ppm (which right now looks inevitable), and then miraculously somehow kept at the level rather than go even higher, there would be a one in twenty chance that global temperatures would eventually increase by 7.14°C above the pre-industrial norm.  As noted before, global average surface temperatures were already, in the year 2022 as a whole, 1.2°C above the 1850 to 1900 average.  With the impacts of a hotter climate already clear at these temperatures, it is difficult to imagine how terrible they would be at a temperature increase of 7.14°C.

The 2010 IWG report shows in its Figure 2 the probability distribution of the global temperature increase resulting from an increase in the CO2 concentration to 550 ppm for the assumed Roe & Baker distribution (as calibrated by the IWG) and, for comparison, what the similar probability distributions are from a range of other studies:

Rise in global temperatures from a doubling of CO2 concentration to 550ppm

Source:  IWG, 2010 Technical Support Document

The calibrated Roe & Baker distribution used by the 2010 IWG is shown in black; the probability distributions of the other studies are shown in various colors; and at the bottom of the chart there are lines indicating the 5% to 95% probability ranges of the various studies (along with two more, and with their median values shown as dots).

There are several things worth noting.  First, and most obviously, there are major differences in the postulated distributions.  The lines are all over the place.  This reflects the inherent uncertainties, as we really do not know much about how this may turn out.  While the lines all follow a similar general pattern, the specifics differ in each and often in large amounts.  The median increase in temperatures (i.e. where one would expect there is a 50% chance that the actual rise in temperature will be higher and 50% that it will be lower) is 3.0 °C in the Roe & Baker distribution (because the IWG set it there), but in the other studies the median increase is as low as 2.0 °C and as high as 5.0 °C.  The 5% to 95% bands also differ significantly at both ends.

But most significant for the point being discussed here is that the probability that the increase in temperatures may be between 6 and 8 °C, or more, is still quite high in all the studies – roughly around 5%.  That is, all these studies predict there is about a one in twenty chance that an increase in the CO2 concentration in the atmosphere of 550 ppm will lead to a global increase in temperatures (over the pre-industrial norm) of 6 to 8 °C or more.  And in fact, according to two of the studies, it appears there is still a 5% chance that global temperatures might increase by 10 °C (or more).  These are “fat tails”, where the probability of such an extreme event does not drop sharply as one considers whether the temperatures might rise by so much.

A Normal Distribution will not have such fat tails.  The probability of such extreme events drops off quickly if the Normal Distribution applies.  But they do not in distributions with fat tails.  An example of such a fat-tailed distribution is the Pareto Distribution – named after the Italian economist Vilfredo Pareto (who died August 19, 2023 – 100 years ago as I write this).  Pareto discovered that this distribution – now named after him – fits well with the distribution of wealth across individuals.  He observed that 20% of the population in Italy owned about 80% of the wealth.  The Pareto Distribution also fits well for a number of other observations in economics, including the distribution of income across individuals, the size distribution of populations of urban agglomerations, and more.  It also fits well for earthquakes and other natural phenomena where feedback effects matter.

The Pareto Distribution is mathematically what is also called a power-law distribution.  Weitzman, in a 2011 article where he restated some of his key findings, provided this table of calculations of what the differences would be in the tail probabilities following a Pareto Distribution or a Normal Distribution (although I have expressed them here in terms of percentages rather than absolute numbers).  By construction, he assumed that the median (50%) increase in global temperatures would be 3.0 °C and that there would be a 15% probability that it would be 4.5 °C or more.  The parameters on both distributions were set to meet these outcomes, and with those two constraints, the distributions were fully defined.  But then they were allowed to go their own, separate, ways:

Impact of Assuming a Pareto versus a Normal (Gaussian) Distribution

Consequences for the Probabilities of a Global Temperature Increase of the Temperature Shown or Higher Should CO2 Rise to 550 ppm

Temperature Increase Pareto Distribution Normal Distribution
3.0 °C 50% 50%
4.5 °C 15% 15%
6.0 °C 6% 2%
8.0 °C 2.7% 0.3%
10.0 °C 1.4% 7×10-5 %
12.0 °C 0.8% 3×10-8 %

Despite having the same mean (of 3.0 °C) and nearby probabilities (i.e. at 4.5 °C), there would be a 6% probability that the increase in global temperatures would be 6 °C or more with a Pareto Distribution but only a 2% chance if it is following a Normal Distribution.  The probability of an 8.0 °C or higher increase in global temperatures is 2.7% if it is following a Pareto Distribution but only 0.3% if it is following a Normal.  At increases of 10 or 12 °C, there is still a non-minor chance with a Pareto Distribution, but essentially none at all if the system is following a Normal.  And keep in mind that an increase in global temperatures of anywhere in those upper temperatures (of, say, 8 °C or more) would likely be catastrophic.  Do we really want to face a likelihood that is far from minor of that happening?  And keep in mind as well that these estimates are for an increase in CO2 concentration in the atmosphere to only 550 ppm and no more.  The world is on a trajectory that will greatly overshoot that.

Stock market fluctuations are a good example of the consequences of fat-tailed distributions.  Nordhaus provided some numbers illustrating this in an article published as part of a symposium of three papers in the Review of Environmental Economics and Policy in the summer 2011 issue – all addressing the impact of fat tail events on how we should approach climate change (with the other two papers by Weitzman – the 2011 paper noted above – and by Professor Robert Pindyck of MIT).  Nordhaus noted that on October 19,1987, the US stock market fell by 23% in one day.  He calculated that based on daily data from 1950 to 1986, the standard deviation of the daily change was about 1%.  If daily stock market fluctuations followed a Normal Distribution, then one would expect that roughly two-thirds of the time the daily change would be no more than +/- 1% (one standard deviation), and that 95% of the time the daily change would be no more than +/- 2% (two standard deviations).

But on October 19, 1987, the stock market fell by 23%, or by 23 standard deviations.  That would be far in excess of anything one could ever expect if daily stock market fluctuations followed a Normal Distribution.  Indeed, Nordhaus cited figures indicating that if the stock market followed a Normal Distribution with a standard deviation of 1% for the daily fluctuation in prices, then one would expect a change of even just 5% only once in 14,000 years, and a change of just 7.2% only once in the lifetime of the universe.  A 23% change would be impossible.  Yet it happened.

That is what can happen when there are feedback effects.  In the equity markets, people sell when they see others are selling (possibly because they have to; possibly because they choose to), with this now computerized so it can happen in microseconds.  Hence one sees periodic stock market crashes (as well as booms) that are difficult to explain other than the system feeding on itself.  The feedback effects lead to what are called complex adaptive systems, and in such systems, fat tails are the norm.  And the climate is a complex adaptive system.

Feedback mechanisms in environmental systems will not respond as rapidly as they do in the equity markets, but they still exist and will have an impact over periods measured in years or perhaps decades.  Examples (such as that resulting from the melting of Arctic ice) were noted before.  But even more worrying is that there likely are feedback effects that even scientists in the field are not now aware of, and where we will not be aware of them until we observe them.

I have so far focused on the feedback effects and uncertainties regarding just the response of global temperatures to an increase in the concentration of CO2 to 550 ppm.  But there are many more uncertainties than just those.

Weitzman has a good summary of the sequence of uncertainties in the standard approach of the IAM models in his 2011 paper, referred to above.  It deserves to be quoted in full (from pp. 284/285):

To summarize, the economics of climate change consists of a very long chain of tenuous inferences fraught with big uncertainties in every link: beginning with unknown base-case GHG emissions; compounded by big uncertainties about how available policies and policy levers will affect actual GHG emissions; compounded by big uncertainties about how GHG flow emissions accumulate via the carbon cycle into GHG stock concentrations; compounded by big uncertainties about how and when GHG stock concentrations translate into global average temperature changes; compounded by big uncertainties about how global average temperature changes decompose into specific changes in regional weather patterns; compounded by big uncertainties about how adaptations to, and mitigations of, climate change damages at a regional level are translated into regional utility [social welfare] changes via an appropriate ‘‘damages function’’; compounded by big uncertainties about how future regional utility changes are aggregated into a worldwide utility function and what its overall degree of risk aversion should be; compounded by big uncertainties about what discount rate should be used to convert everything into expected present discounted values. The result of this lengthy cascading of big uncertainties is a reduced form of truly extraordinary uncertainty about the aggregate welfare impacts of catastrophic climate change, which is represented mathematically by a PDF [probability density function] that is spread out and heavy with probability in the tails.

The overall distribution of uncertainty will be a compounding (usually multiplicatively) of these individual distributions of uncertainties in each of the sequence of steps to arrive at an estimate of the SCC.  With at least some (and probably most) of these uncertainties following fat-tailed distributions (as we discussed above on the equilibrium climate sensitivity parameter), the overall distribution will be, as Weitzman noted, “heavy with probability in the tails.”  The probability of a climate catastrophe (and the damage resulting from that) will not drop off quickly.

The Monte Carlo simulations run by the IWG and discussed in Section B above were designed to address some of these uncertainties.  But while they help, Weitzman in his 2010 article discussed why they would not suffice to address these fat-tailed uncertainties.  While a large number of Monte Carlo simulations were run (10,000 for each of the three IAM models, for each of the five global scenarios, and for each of the three discount rates assumed), even such high numbers will not suffice to address the possible outcomes in the low probability but high consequence events.  Monte Carlo simulations are good at examining the variation around the central median values for the temperature increase, but they do not suffice for examining the possible impacts far out on the tails.

So far our focus has been on the probability of severe climate consequences following from some rise in the CO2 concentration in the air (possibly leading to a very large increase in global temperatures).  Weitzman in his 2009 article coupled the probabilities of an extreme climate event with the possible consequences for society.  It is recognized that the probability of a greater increase in global temperatures will be less than some lesser increase.  That is, while the probabilities follow “fat tails”, the probabilities decline as one goes further out on those tails.  But a greater increase in temperatures – should that occur – will have a greater impact on people’s lives (or as economists like to call it, on their utility).  And with a standard form of utility function that economists often use (with continuous impacts all the way to zero, where in the limit, as consumption falls the marginal value of any consumption at all will approach infinity), the marginal damage to people’s lives from a climate catastrophe grows by an unbounded amount.  That is important.  The probability of it happening will be less as one goes out further on the tail (i.e. to higher and higher temperatures), but the loss should the temperatures rise to that point will be far greater.

This led Weitzman to what he half-jokingly named the “Dismal Theorem” (suitable for economics as the Dismal Science) that showed that what society would be willing to pay to avoid the damages from CO2 emissions (i.e. the SCC) should in fact be infinite.  The probabilities of some given increase in global temperatures (following from some given increase in CO2 ppm in the atmosphere) will diminish at higher temperatures (although diminish by much less when there are fat tails – as in a Pareto Distribution – than if they followed a thin-tailed distribution such as the Normal).  But the consequences for society of the increase in global temperatures will rise since higher global temperatures would lead to more severe environmental consequences.  And the ratio of those consequent damages to the probability-weighted possibility of the higher global temperatures will, in the limit, approach infinity.  That is, the SCC (what one would be willing to pay to reduce CO2 emissions by a ton) would in principle grow to infinity.

This is a loose rendition – in words – of Weitzman’s Dismal Theorem.  In his 2009 paper, he proved the theorem mathematically, for damage and utility functions of a given form and for fat-tailed probability distributions for how high global temperatures might increase for some given level of CO2 emissions.  But Weitzman also explained that the theorem should not be taken literally.  Infinity does not exist in the real world.  He stated this most clearly and bluntly in a short paper that appeared in the American Economics Review:  Papers & Proceedings, of April 2014:

Let us immediately emphasize that which is immediately obvious.  The “dismal theorem” is an absurd result!  It cannot be the case that society would pay an infinite amount to abate one unit of carbon.  (emphasis in original)

An SCC of infinity would be, as he said, an absurd result.  In practice, any estimated SCC will not be infinitely large.  But it is not infinite because various assumptions are being made as to how much one should value at the margin the damages resulting from a possible climate catastrophe, what probabilities one will include beyond which one believes it to be safe to assume they can be ignored, and other such assumptions.  There is nothing wrong with making such assumptions.  Indeed, Weitzman noted that some such assumptions will have to be made.  But Weitzman’s point is that the resulting SCC estimates will be sensitive to the specific assumptions made.  That is, the SCC estimates cannot be robust.

In the end, the conclusion is that while the SCC estimate will not be infinite (it cannot be – infinity does not exist), it will be “high” in a basic sense.  But precisely how high we cannot know with any confidence – the specific estimates will depend on what must be assumptions that we cannot have much confidence in.  And the discount rate to be used is basically beside the point.

E.  Conclusion

This final point – that we cannot know what the level of the SCC might be with any confidence – is disconcerting.  No one has refuted the Weitzman conclusion, although Nordhaus (in his 2011 symposium paper) argued that the conditions that would lead to the conclusion of Weitzman’s Dismal Theorem (that the SCC would be infinite) would only hold under what he considers to be “very limited conditions”.  But as Weitzman himself noted, one cannot get to infinity in the real world, and the actual message is not that the SCC is infinite but rather that whatever SCC is arrived at will be sensitive to the specific assumptions made to estimate it.  And Nordhaus in the end agreed that it will depend on information on what would happen out on the fat tails in the probability distribution, on which we know very little.  Data on this simply does not exist.

So where does this leave us?  Actually, it is not as bad as it might at first appear.  We know the SCC is not infinite, but infinity is a very big number and there is a good deal of headroom beneath it.  But it does support the argument that the SCC is relatively high, and specifically higher than estimates of the SCC (such as those made by the IWG as well as by others) that do not take into account the full distribution of possible outcomes and the impact of fat tails on such calculations.

We also know that the returns to investments in reducing CO2 (and other greenhouse gas) emissions will likely not covary with returns to investments in the general economy (as the returns to investments to reduce CO2 emissions will be especially valuable in states of the world where climate damage is high, which is when the returns to investments in the general economy will be low).  In such circumstances, the appropriate social discount rate will be very low:  at the risk-free interest rate or even less.  This is just standard CAPM diversification.  This will matter once one moves away from the SCC being infinite to something less.  The discount rate can then matter, but with a low social discount rate (the risk-free rate or less), the resulting SCC for whatever estimate is made of future damages will again be a high figure.

But the main message is that Weitzman’s conclusions point to the need to be modest in what we claim to know.  There is value in acknowledging that we do not know what we cannot know.

And operationally, we have the material to be able to proceed.  First and most importantly, while the overwhelming share of the literature on these issues has focussed on the SCC, what is important operationally to reducing CO2 emissions is not the SCC but rather the ACC (the abatement cost of carbon).  As depicted in the figure at the top of this post (and discussed in this earlier post on this blog), the ACC is an estimate of what it would in fact cost to reduce CO2 emissions by a ton (starting from some designated pace of CO2 emissions per year).

I plan on addressing how the ACC may be estimated in a future post on this blog.  The issue for the ACC is far less complicated than for the SCC as the impact of any given ACC can be observed.  The SCC depends on uncertain (and often unknowable) future impacts resulting from CO2 emissions, discounted back to the present.  But if an ACC is set at some level, one can observe whether or not CO2 emissions are being reduced at the pace intended and then adjust the ACC up or down over time based on what is observed.

We do need to know whether the ACC is less than the SCC.  As long as it is, then the cost of reducing CO2 emissions is less than the cost incurred by society from the damages resulting from CO2 emissions.  And with the SCC very high while the ACC is low at current emission levels (since so little has been done to reduce emissions), we can be sure that there will be major gains to society by cutting back on emissions.  This also shows why it is silly to assert that “we cannot afford it”.

One should also note that while climate change does pose an existential threat to society if nothing (or too little) is done to address it, there are other threats as well.  For example, there is a risk that a large meteor may crash into the planet and destroy civilization – just like a large meteor led to the end of the dinosaurs.  We now have the technology to be able to determine whether a meteor of such a size is on a course to hit our planet, and it would be straightforward (if we wished) to develop the technology to stop such an event from happening.

But just because there is such a threat, with major uncertainties (and fat-tailed uncertainties, as the size distribution of meteors hitting our planet would, I believe, follow a power law distribution), that does not mean that we should devote 100% of our GDP to address it.  While personally I believe we should be spending more than we are now to address this risk, that does not mean we should devote the entire resources of our society to this single purpose.

Similarly, no one is arguing that we should be devoting 100% of our GDP to measures to limit climate change.  But we can take actions – at relatively low cost (the low ACC) – to limit the damage that would be caused by climate change.  The question, fundamentally, is finding a suitable balance.  And at that balance, we should be as efficient as possible in the use of resources to address the problem.

The need to find such a balance is in fact common in formulating public policy.  For example, the US Department of Transportation has to arrive at some decision on how much should be spent to increase the safety of road designs.  Roads can be made safer by, for example, smoothing out curves.  But smoother curves require more land and such safer roads cost more to build.  The question they must address is how much extra should we spend on roads in order to improve safety by some estimated amount.

For such calculations, the Department of Transportation has for some time calculated what it calls the “Value of a Statistical Life” (which, this being a bureaucracy, has been given the acronym VSL).  For 2022, this was set at $12.5 million.  The VSL expresses, in statistical terms, what value should be placed on the probability of a life being saved as a result of the expenditures being made to improve safety (as for a road design).  In the US government, the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Health and Human Services have also come up with their own estimates of the VSL for use in their fields of responsibility.  (Where, for reasons I do not understand, the VSL figures for the three agencies are very close to each other, but not quite the same.)

I would argue that the SCC should be seen as similar to the VSL.  That is, while any estimate for the VSL will to a significant extent be arbitrary and dependent on the assumptions made (starting with the assumption that all individuals view and act on risk in the same way), government agencies will need some figure for the VSL in order to assess tradeoffs in road design, determine environmental regulations (the EPA), set access to health care (HHS), and for many other decisions that will need to balance expenditures with saving lives.  For this, it is efficient to have just one VSL (at least within an agency), so that consistent decisions are made on such issues.  For example, with a given VSL to use, officials within the Department of Transportation can be consistent in their decisions on road designs, and not spend much more or much less for a given impact on safety on one road compared to another.

The SCC should be viewed similarly.  It can provide guidance on the benefits received from reducing CO2 emissions by one ton, to allow for consistency in the setting of different federal rules and regulations and in other federal actions that may impact CO2 emissions.  For this, the precise figure is not critical, as long as it is relatively high.  It might be set at $300 per ton, or $500, or $700, or something else.  Whatever value that is set will still be below what the true cost of the damages would be, but a given price will allow for consistency across federal decision-making.  The true value will almost certainly be higher, but just like addressing the threat of a large meteor striking the planet, we do not assign a price of infinity to it and we do not drop everything else and devote 100% of society’s resources to measures to reduce CO2 emissions.

Thus having some value for the SCC is still valuable.  But we should not fool ourselves into believing we can estimate what the SCC is with any certainty.

 

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Annex A:  What Social Discount Rate Did Nordhaus Use?

As noted in the text, Nordhaus has been working on his integrated assessment models (named DICE, with RICE for a variant where global regions are distinguished) since the early 1990s.  The DICE models have evolved over that time, but in the text we focussed on the DICE-2007 variant, as the one used in the debates with Stern following the release of the Stern Review.  DICE-2007 was also used by the IWG in its initial, 2010, SCC estimates.

DICE-2007 had a declining social discount rate, with values shown in Figure 2 on page 700 of his 2007 JEL article commenting on Stern.  Shown for each 10-year period from what is labeled “2015” (which is in fact an average for 2010 to 2019) to “2095” (an average for 2090 to 2099), the discount rate starts at 6.5% in 2015 and falls on basically a linear path to 5.5% in 2055 and to 4.5% in 2095.  What is assumed for after 2095 is not clear, but I assume the discount rates would have continued to decline.

Nordhaus has basically the same chart in A Question of Balance (Figure 9-2 on page 189).  But while these are supposedly for the same DICE-2007 model, the values are very different.  They start here at about 5.6% in 2015, are at 5.3% in 2055, and 5.0% in 2095 (with intermediate values as well).  It is not clear why these differ between the two sources.

Which is correct?  Probably the one in the 2007 JEL.  In the later report of a panel of prominent economists reviewing discount rate issues, where Nordhaus was one of several co-authors, reference is made to the discount rates Nordhaus used.  The values reported were the ones in the JEL article (along with a reference to the JEL article as the source).

Furthermore, Nordhaus refers to the discount rates he used in the text of A Question of Balance in two locations (from what I have been able to find), and the values given appear to be more consistent (although still not fully consistent) with those shown in the 2007 JEL article rather than in the chart in A Question of Balance itself.  On page 10, he writes “The estimated discount rate in the model averages 4 percent per year over the next century.”  But while one might have thought that this would be an average over a century where it would have started higher and ended lower (I thought that at first), Nordhaus in fact appears to be referring to the discount rate as the one to be used to discount back the damages from the specific year a century from now – and that year only.  Immediately after his reference to the 4 percent discount rate, he notes that $20 today would grow to $1,000 in a century.  This would be true at a 4 percent rate compounded over 100 years, as one can calculate (1.04 to the power of 100 equals 50.5, so $20 would grow to a little over $1,000).

Nordhaus also states (on page 61 of A Question of Balance) that he uses a rate that, again, “averages” around 5 1/2% per year over the first half of the coming century.  As a point estimate of what it would be for discounting damages 50 years from now, the 5 1/2% is exactly what was provided in the JEL article (taking 2055 as 50 years from the base year of 2005).  But it is not what it is in the otherwise similar chart in A Question of Balance itself.

It thus appears that the discount rates used in DICE-2007 are those shown in the 2007 JEL article.  The chart with quite different discount rates shown on page 189 of A Question of Balance is different and appears to be incorrect.  It may have been inserted by mistake.  Furthermore, the language used in A Question of Balance on the discount rates he used (that they “averaged” 4% over the next century and 5 1/2% over the next half-century) is confusing at best.  It does not appear that he meant them to be seen as averages over the full periods cited, but rather as point estimates to be used to discount back damages from the final year – and only the final year – in those periods.